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T, CAP, AID Fl 



ESTABLISHMENT^ 



WHOLESALE AND RETAIL, 
Nos. 826 and 828 CHESTNUT STREET, 

(UNDER THE CONTINENTAL HOTEL,) 

PHILADELPHIA. 



Wholesale Dealers will find it greatly to their advantage to purchase 
at this establishment, as our facilities enable us to sell our goods at the 
lowest possible prices. We keep a large line of WOOL HATS, in con- 
nection with fine goods at all prices. Occupying two stores, we have 
ample room for our extensive wholesale business. 



Ilolitcncsii nub |iiir ^tnling 



CAN GET 



0i 



AT ANY 



A BOOK WORTH ITS WEIGHT IN GOLD ! 

NEARLY READY, 

FRAUDS IN TRADE. 

BY TWENTY-SEVEN AUTHORS. 



500 8i;o. 2->iiOcs. Price $2.00. 



Showing the Frauds in every branch of Merchandise — Frauds in 
Liquors, Frauds in Wines, Frauds in Bread, Frauds in Flour, 
Frauds in Dry-Goods, Frauds in What we Eat, Frauds in Drugs 
and Medicines, Frauds in Weights and Measures, Frauds in Silk 
Goods, Frauds in Butter, Frauds in Vinegar, Frauds in Spices, 
Frauds in Pepper, Frauds in Candies, Frauds in Patent Medi- 
cines, Frauds in Sugar, Frauds in Coffee, Frauds in Teas, Frauds 
in Mustard, Frauds in Chemicals — and hoic to defect them. 

In fact, there is adulteration in almost every article of consumption 
V7e use. 

The articles are all written by competent persons, fully and well 
acquainted with the subject. 

The articles on " Adulterated Liquors," and " Adulterated 
Food," both by first-class chemists, are alone icorth ten times tJic j^rice 
of the hook. 

SENT ANYWHERE BY MAIL, ON RECEIPT OF THE TRICE. 

Address 

J. T. LLOYD, 

Publisher, Philadelphia, Pa. 



l-.-t 



Site |!0i3{5trps fl! §u loliii |raiiMiti 

TRACED IN THE ARCTIC OCEAN. 

Ucing a narrative of the voyage made by the screw steamer " Fox," 
in search of Sir John Franklin and his companions. Ey Captain 
iVIcClintock, Commander of tlie Expedition. 8000 copies sutfgcribed 
for in England in advance of publication, at S-t per copy. J^mericaii 
Edition ouJij $1. 1 vol. 12mo. 440 pages, with a preface 'by,Sir 
Ilodcrick Murchison, F. R. S. Sixteen Illustrations and a Map 
of the Arctic Ocean, showing the track of Sir John Franklin and 
his companions, after abandoning their ships, in their dreary, march 
towards " Great Fish River," as they dropped dead one by ono 
from starvation and cold — their bleached bones a warning to all 
future Arctic explorers. 

A Record found written by Captain Franklin, giving 

PARTICULARS OF THEIR SUFFERINGS UP TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH 

IN 1847 ; also the record kept by Captain Crozicr, six years after 
FranJclin' s death. Skeletons of many of the doomed Arctic explorers 
discovered bleached by the Arctic snows, forming 

THE MOST INTERESTING, TRUTHFUL, AND MELANCHOLY NARRA- 
TIVE OF ARCTIC GLOOM AND ADVENTURE EVER PENNED. 

This work is published from advance sheets of the English Edition, 
verbatim et literatim, which sells at S4 in London. The American 
Edition selling at only SI, Library style, bound strongly in cloth. 

To those who have sympathized with the lost Arctic Explorer and 
his noble wife in her great efforts to unravel the mystery concerning 
the fate of Sir John Franklin, this volume will be a rich treasure. 
Few can read this simple narrative without shedding tears at the 
recital of their dreary and hopeless march over the wide fields of 
Arctic ice and snow in hopes of reaching Great Fish River ere their 
hust morsel should be consumed ; how they perished one by one in 
their tracks — their heart-rending record handed from one to the other, 
to be filled with the history of their sufferings, in hopes that eventu- 
ally their friends in England might know of their sad end. 

This Book closes the Arctic Explorations for ever. 
Agents wanted in every district in America for this work. 
Any intelligent man or woman can make S5 a day. Sent by mail, 
free of postage, on receipt of price '^iend for circulars of three n*<w 
books, now ready. Addres.' 

J. T. LLOYD. 
Publisher, Philadelphia, Pa. 

In Paper Covers, only 50 ct$. ! 



LIFE AND ADVENTURES OP DE SOTO. 399 



To lUe United States Senate and House of RepresentatUes of 
tUe United States of America. 

Your petitioxbr respectfully shows, thjit ho is tho Publisher and Tro. 
prietor of a new work recently issued in Philadelphia, and London, England, 
entitled, "The Life, Travels, and Adve.vtuues of Ferdinand Dk Soto, 
THK Discoverer of the Mississippi Hiver," 1 vol. 8vo., 536 pages, 6 tteel 
plates by Joun Sartain, Philadelphia, and S9 fine wood engravings, by J. ^V. 
OiiR New York. That it is eminently a y<ttional Work, deserving of a wide 
circulation in the United States, and should be placed in every State and 
Public Library in tho country. That it is the first authentic account of the 
discovery of the mighty Mississippi, whose waters wash nearly one-half of 
tho States of this great Republic, and whose commerce contnbutes niilliona 
annually toward tho support of this government. That tho work tnicos ont 
J)e Soto's whole route, from tho landing at Tampa Bay, Florida, through the 
entire southern country, to the banks of the Mississippi, wkich he took pos- 
session of in an imposing manner, in the name of the King of Spain. Ilia 
battles with the many ferocious Indian tribes inhabiting at that time tho 
whole South, are graphically described. Their customs, religion, and belief 
aro fully narrated by the author, who has spent many years of his lifo^in 
soarehing the monasteries of Spain for authentic accounts of "Do Soto's" 
explorati'ons in this country, and many facts in regard to the extreme cruelty 
of the early Spanish explorers to the poor Indians are for the first time given 
to the light of day in this volume. That " Do Soto," as is shown, was basely 
poisoned" by his comrades, in order that they might return to their native 
country, and escape from a laud which had cost them so many trials, hard- 
ships, and extreme sufferings. That the discoverer of the xMississippi was 
Becretly and silently, at the dead of night, taken to the middle of the great 
river which had cost him his life, and sunk to the bottom. That hn com- 
rades attempted to escape by descending the Mississippi in rudo boats, but 
were pursued by myriads of savages in canoes, and nearly all were slaugh- 
tered. 

Tour petitioner further says : That there t« no account of this intcrciting Jiit- 
tory of the " Dincovei-y of the Jlissigaippi," to be found in any Libray in Ame- 
rica That Congress, to commemorate tho "Discovery of the Mississippi," 
very wisely purchased a painting of the same, at a cost of $10,000, and placed 
it in the Rotunda of the Capitol. But how much more important to the peo- 
pie is this faithful history of tho Life of De Soto, the discoverer of that groat 
river, than a painting. 

Therefore, your petitioner prays that you will pass a Bill for the purchase 
of ten thousand (10,000) copies of the Life of De Soto, for general distributiou 
among tho various State Libraries. That your petitioner, thinkinq morb 

OF GIvrNO this work a I.ARGR CIRCULATION THAN MAKI^NG MONET ON IT, PRO. 

P0SK8 TO SELL THE BOOK TO CONGRESS AT COST, to wit, $1.50 per Copy; $2.50 
being tho retail price, many members of both Houses having purchased the 
book at that price. 

By passing this Bill, you will confer a benefit on your constituenta, and 
your potitioucr will ever pray, etc. 

J. T. liliOTD. 

PaiLADKLPHIA, StH JANUARY, 1359. 



\ 



^-"THE CHEAPEST BOOK IN THE WORLD. ,,^1 

The finest Illustrated Work ever issued from the American Press, ana 
one of the most interesting and attractive books in the English language. 

COST THE PUBLISHER $12,000. 



THE LIFE, TRAVELS, AND ADVENTURES OF 

FERDIHAND DE SOTO, 

DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 

By LAMBERT A. WILMER. 

Five Hundred and Fifty octavo pages, Seventy-nine admirable E»- 
gravings on Wood, and Six superb Steel Plates. All of 
tbese embellishments were executed by the most cele- 
brated artists in the United States. 



This book is a complete biography of the renowned adventurer, 
containing the incidents of his birth and early life ; his ambitious 
love, and the great dangers to which he was thereby exposed; hia 
efforts to gain the object of his attachment by seeking wealth and 
celebrity in America; his many daring and chivalrio deeds; his 
perilous enterprises and important discoveries ; his crimes and 
misfortunes ; his singular and mysterious death ; and his burial 
under the waters of the Mississippi. 

Wilmer's Life of Ferdinand de Soto is the only book ever pub- 
lished which gives a true and faithful account of the operations of 
the Spaniards in America. It exposes the errors and misrepre- 
sentations of the historians in general ; and proves concluiively 
that a majority of the "mighty conquerors" were freebooters and 
villains of the most detestable and infamous character. It contains 
many thrilling accounts of 

SPANISH BARBARITIES 

AND 

DEEDS OF THE MOST THRILLING ATROCITY, 

It gives the only genuine narrative of the " CONQUEST OF PERU" 
which has ever yet appeared in the English language, and proves 
that the "illustrious hero, Francisco Pizarro," was in reality an 
odious and contemptible cut-throat and cowardly robber, who 
deserved to expiate his crimes on the gibbet. 

(395) 



896 LIFE AND ADVENTUEES OF DE BOTO. 

Among other items of the most absorbing interest in tldfl work 
It a correct account of tbe 

CAPTURE AND BURNING OF THE PERUVIAN INCA, 

AND THE MASSACRE OF THOUSANDS OF HIS SUBJECTS. We 
can declare most conscientiously that no American history ever 
published gives a true account of tliese transactions, and the other 
tyrannical deeds of Pizarro and his confederates. The narrative 
of these events in the " Life of De Soto" is taken principally from 
euppressed manuscripts in the Spanish libraries, which the kings 
of Spain would not allow to be published. The murder of the Inca 
is one of the most astounding and revolting deeds ever recorded 
in the history of the world. 

This great work also gives a complete and truthful account of 
De Soto's discoveries and adventures on that part of the American 
continent now forming the States of Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, 
North Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana, and the 
Indian Territory. Some of these veritable details are far more won- 
derful than the wildest inventions of the novelist. 

The futile but persevering search of the Spaniards after the im- 
aginary FOUNTAIN OF YOUTH, and a Gold Region supposed to exist 
:n some part of North America, is graphically related. The horri- 
ving cruelties of the Spaniards are faithfully detailed. 

Tlxe whole of De Soto's route in North America is described as 
Almost one continuovis conflict with the natives. Several of his 
battles with the North American Indians, in sanguinary horror, 
surpass all similar events in the records of Indian warfare. His 
great battle fought at Mauvilla (the site of which is near Mobile, 
in the State of Alabama) occasioned a greater loss of human life 
than any other engagement which ever took place between the 
white race and tlie aboriginal tribes of America. The fearful suf- 
ferings of the Spaniards after this battle are described. All their 
baggage, clothes, camp equipments, plunder (including pearls and 
gold of great value}, fell into the hands of the Indians. The sub- 
sequent adventures of De Soto are full of peril and hardship : 
many of his followers were frozen to death ; many others were 
massacred by the Indians ; a large number perished in a conflagra- 
iion of the Spanish camp, and the survivors were left in the midst 
•f a severe winter without clothes or shelter. In all these disas- 
ters, the indomitable resolution of De Soto excites the admiration 
of the reader. He sets all danger at defiance, overcomes every ob- 
stacle, and fights his way to the Mississippi. He builds boats, 
crosses that mighty stream in spite of the opposition of the natives, 
who assemble in great numbers along the banks of the river and 
harass the Spaniards with a continued attack. De Soto's progress 
through the wilderness to the foot of the Ozark Mountains is next 
given. His terrible conflicts with the original Camanches are de- 
scribed. This tribe proves to be unconquerable. De Soto returns 
to the Mississippi. His grief, disappointment and remorse. He is 
attacked with a severe disease. His biographer suspects that he 
was poisoned. Proofs adduced. He dies. A friendly chief offers 



Ln-E AND ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO. 39T 

to saojifice liis beautiful daughter on De Soto's tomb, and presents 
her to Louis de Moscoso for that purpose. 

The work abounds with incidents of the most startling, extraor- 
dinary and romantic description, all of which are certified by re- 
ferences to authentic history. It comprises twelve episodes of In- 
dian cliaracter and life. The work contains Six superb Steel Plate 
Engravings, one of which is a Photograph of the $10,000 Painting or- 
clnred bif Congress, now adorning the Rotunda of the Capitol. The 
book is printed on the finest paper, and bound in good style. It is 
a work indispensable to everij Library. The Steel Engraving of the Burial 
of De Soto in the Mississippi is pronounced the finest work of art ever done 
in this country. 

Unhoiighl Opinions of the Press, 

From WashUigtnn Union. 

Mr. Wilraer has produced a work which will obt;iiu for him alaBtinff fame. Withoat 
any overstrained rhetoric, he tells the romantic Btory of Do Soto's adveuturea in such 
a fasoinatinfr style, that the, interest of the reader never flags till he has finished the 
volume. Ditfeiing from Prescott and Irvint?, the autlior of this work, while he apolo- 
gi/.es for " De Soto," does not fall into the common error of eulo?ium. 

We cannot help remarking the difference, in this particular, between the treatment 
of our author's subject and that which Mr. Abbott saw fit to bestow upon Napoleon ; 
bad the latter observed the same judiciousness in his history, it would have been in- 
valuable, and would have done the juKtice to a great man which the folsomenesa of 
the eulogist, like the hatred of his detractors, has defeated. 

The history of Do Soto is presented to the public in a very attractive form; It con- 
tains over five hundred pag<^s of clear, handsome print, and it is embellished by steel 
engravings from the skillful hands of the Sartains, and woodcuts by Orr & Tolfor. 
The portraits of De Soto and Donna Isabella, are fine specimens of the art. 

The book is one of the best that the American press has produced during the year, 
tnd we have no doubt it will become a standard work, and will well reward the 
scholarship of the author, and the enterprise of the publishers. 

Prom. Cinmnnati Time^. 
"The Life and Adventures of Ferdinand De Soto." This is the title of a new and 
very interesting volume, just issued by J. T. Lloyd, Philadelphia. The author. L. A. 
Wiimer, has faithfully performed his task, and given us a work well worth taking its 
place in any library in the land, as authentic and reliable. To the city of the Great 
West, the history of the discovery of the Mississippi cannot fail to possess unbounded 
interest, and to be read with avidity wherever it is introduced. Tile volume is haad- 
Eomely bound, and profu.sely illustrated. 

From Memphui Eagle and Enquirer. 

" The Life, Travels, and Adventures of Ferdinand De Soto, Discoverer of the Missis- 
jippi — by L. Wiimer — Philadelphia, J. T. Lloyd 

This interesting and splendidly illustrated work will have an immense sale; it is 
one of the popular works of the ilay. Embracing a period of forty-three years, from 
tlie birth to the death of De Soto. What marvels of adventures are here recorded. Tha 
work, in thrilling interest, surpasses any thing published in twenty years. 

From. N. 0. Piraynne. 
" Lif9 of De Soto — J. T. Lloyd, Publisher, Philadelphia." It is a work for every 
library in the land. De Soto, the discoverer ef the Mississippi, and Pizarro's brother- 
conqueror of Pern. The wo..d and steel engravings are handsomely executed by J. W. 
Orr & K. Telfer, N. Y. It will have immense sale in the Mississippi Valley. 

Prom N. 0. Delta. 
" Life, Travels, and Adventures of De Soto, Discoverer of the Mississippi." Of all 
those neroic adventurers who came to North and South America, with the sword, the 
cr.,6s, and the flag of Spain, De Soto is to us the most interesting. His life is a romance 
fall of hair-breadth adventures, chivalrous deeds and unequaled daring — his sword 
flashed from tho waters of Tampa Bay to the banks of the Mississippi. 

From Prank Leslie's Illiudrai.'il 2^.iicspapf.r. 
" The Life, Travels, and Adventures of Ferdinand Dp Solo, Discoverer of the Missis- 
sippi, bv L. A. Wiimer— J. T. Lloyd. Piiblisher. PhiUdelphiii." This valuable addi- 



398 LIFE AND ADVENTURES O? DE SOTO. 

Hon to th* literature of America wn hail with plcasnre. Brinifinsr ont ths work In sack 
ole^-aat style reflects credit, in everr n^spcct. upon the tasle and liberality nf the pub- 
lisher. It is written in s ffraceful, lioent Myle ; indeed, so full of interest in the wort, 
that we found it difficult to lay it aside after we had once commenced its periual. It 
Is illustrated with numerous fine steel and wood en^rarinjrs. 
From St. Loi^ig RepubHcan. 
" The Life of Ferdinand De Soto, Discoverer of the MisHinsippi," by L. A. Wilmof, 
and published by J. T. Lloyd, Philadelphia. Perhaps there 1b no name, connected 
with history ro 6Ui;ijcstive of daring,' adventure, of pnrilous enterprise, and romantic 
interest, as that of De Solo, the Discoverer of the Mis.sissippi. There is something so 
Rltractive in this Life of De Soto, that we are reminded of readiux Robinson Crusoe in 
our youthful days. The pages flow with the daring deeds of the hero, the splendor of 
his achievements, the celerity of his movements, and his fortitude, where disease a id 
famine, and myriads of savage foes wore all assailing him in a remote wildernos* 
nover trodden by white man before. The work .Mr. Wilmer has given to the public 
is a good one. He has drawn freely from the many sources at his command. His 
«tyle is clear and vigorous. The typographical iippearauce of the book i» splendid, 
and the engraviugs giriking and excellent. 

FYom Willvi's Home Journal. 

"Life of Do Soto, Discoverer of the Mississippi," by L. A. Wilmer, and bearing the 
Imprint of J. T. Lloyd, Philadelphia. This is the most interesting work it has ever 
been our privilege to read. The author possesses tragic power of a high order. The 
account Mr. Wilmer gives of the capture and burning of the Peruvian luca. and tho 
massacre of thousands of his subjects, makes one's blood run cold. The volume has 
650 pages, and profusely illustrated on steel and wood. 
From Chicago 2Yibune. 

" Life and Adventures of Ferdinand De Soto, Discoverer of the Mississippi," by L 
A. Wilmer — J. T. Lloyd, Publisher, Philadelphia. From a cursory glauce at this 
work, we are satisfied that it is a book of rare interest. It is handsomely printed and 
highly illustrated. Mr. Bamford, the agent here, has nearly sixteen hundred gs'o- 
Bcribers waiting for the work. 

Frnm N. T. Courier and Emyutrer. 
"Life of Do Snto, DiscDverer of the Mississippi," by L. A. Wilmer — Philadelphia, J. 
T. Lloyd. As De Soto was among those Spaniards who arrived ou this continent at 
an o.irly period — as he was a companion of Pizarro in the conquest of Peru — always 
taking the leac} in all the battles — and as he Wf-vs afterward an adveuturer in our owu 
country, better materials from which a life could be written no author could wish. 
There are many parts of the volume from which we might take extracts ; we might 
tell of De .Soto's attachment to Donna Isabella, daughter of Governor De AviU — liow 
he was repul.sed by the haughty father, on account of his poverty — how he detor. 
mined to seek wealth, and embarked in the Peruvian wars — his inimeuse success In 
making millions of dollars by burning the Peruvian Inca — his returning to Spain ^nd 
marrying the beautiful Isabella — his adventures in this country — his battles and hard- 
ships — his discovery of tho Miasissipi'i, and hU burial under its turbulout waters. 11 
is a work worth having. 

^-TEN THOUSAND AGENTS WANTED— To whom we will 
supply this book at the wholesale price of ^ per copy, and givti 
each Agent a certain district exclusively. Single copies will be 
sent by Mail, free of postage, on receipt of $ By ordering one 

hundred copies at a time, the work will be pnt at ^ per copr. 

^-THIS BOOK IS SOLD ONLY by OUR AUTHORIZED AGENTS. 
Po.sTMASTERS are requested to act as our Agents ; and if they can- 
not spare tho time to do so, they will oblige us by handing this 
Circular to some energetic young man of their acquaintance. 

^^ Enclose your money in a letter if there ia no Express office 
convenient, and direct it plainly, taking care to write the name of 
your Post Office County and State. Registered letters are always 
at our risk. Aadress, 

J. T. LLOYD, Publisher, Pa. 

N. B. — As we allow Agents *uch large profits, it will not paij us to send 
Sample Books on time: the. ca.-ih inti.^ urronipani/ even/ order. Agents arc 
furnished Circulars and fine Hlustrated Showbills, to assist thoin 
'"n K'-'tting .^ul'.-<:ribers. 



DB. KANE AND WM. C. GODFEEY, IN DENMARK. 

A Danish Naval OfBcor has just published an account of the Kane Exploring Ex- 
pedition, from the dictation of Carl Petersen, who was Dr. Kane's Esquimaux Inter- 
preter. In this work, Dr. Kane is charged with bad management, and particularly 
wiih great cruelty to his men, in his Arctic voyage, in which the author accompanied 
him. To such readers as are familiar with the artless narrative of Wm. C. Godfrey, 
one of the crew of Dr. Kane's vessel, this statement will bring no surprise. What 
was shown by Godfrey, against his countryman and commander. Dr. Kane, appears 
Well confirmed by Mr. Petersen, who is a Dane, and who was engaged as Interpreter 
by Dr. Kano, at the Danish settlement of Upernavik, on the coast of Greenland* 
while that commander was on his way to the more northern seas. The testimony 
of these two survivors of that most vaunted expedition, though springing from 
widely distant points of the earth, and not having a ccmmon nationality of origin, 
or even a common language of communication, so well concurs, that it gives us pain 
to see the fact of Dr. Kane's rigid despotism, and his still more clearly marked 
cruelty, so well established, as both appear to be. — Buffalo Express. 



AN INTERESTING "WORK— AN APPEAL TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 

In reading the adveotures of Dr. Kane, in the Arctic regions, as set forth in his 
Dook, we thought that, in the treatment of a certain member of his crew, his con- 
duct did not agree with that chivalrous and Christian character which his general 
career through life had established for him. We allude to his treatment of the man 
Godfrey, a cbaracttT bold, adventurous, and intrepid, and who, though perhaps a 
little insubordinate, possessed those two characteristics, courage and generosity, 
which, in whomever possess them, preclude the possibility of a bad character. 
Godfrey had been of eminent service to the expedition ; by his courage and energy 
he had obtained food for the explorers at several times when their necessities were 
of the most harassing character; in one instance he travelled ninety-five miles on 
foot, in the coldest and darkest part of the Arctic winter, to procure nourishment for 
his starving companions; Dr. Kane has acknowledged his services; and yet at a 
time when a portion of Dr. Kane's party was permitted to separate themselves from 
the expedition, because this man Godfrey wished also to leave and join the Esqui- 
maux, the Doctor attempted to take his life by shooting at him, and in his book has 
grievously injured his reputation. Godfrey, however, with that determination which 
characterized his previous career in the expedition, did leave, notwithstanding the 
Doctor's opposition and rifle-balls; and, true to the generous impulse of his naturcj 
he subsequently, by stealth, supplied with provisions the man who had attempted to 
take his life. Dr. Kane's conduct toward Godfrey is the only stain upon his bright 
career, and it would have been well for his fair fame had he never mentioned bim in 
his book. The American people were so dazzled by the brilliancy of his perform- 
ances in the Arctic regions, that they were unable to see this blot; and it was not 
until a writer in the North British Review called the attention of the world to it, 
that the Americans perceived the stain upon the escutcheon of their favorite. — U. & 
Gazette, 



•'■Wlijr did Dr. E. K. Kane try to kill Godfrey l"—LoDdoQ Times 

Appeal of an Arctic Explorer, WK. C. GODFREY, to the 
American Public. 

Vei.i.ow C1TIZHN8 — I am tho niaii whom Pr. Kane, in his puhlished volume, hat 
sliproatizcd as a mutineer and deserter, and whose moral character be ban blackened 
with many reproachful epithets and insinuations, without giving the least proof that 
I ever committed any offence against the laws of my country, or ever was guilty "f 
one dishonorable action. These unfounded and libellous charges against an nnotfcnd- 
Ing citizen of the United States have been circulated all over the civilized world ; and 
istraugo to say) the only man who has raised a voice in my defence is an Englishman, 
the editoT of the North British Review, who has shown, by Dr. Kane's own statcmeutK, 
that he has done me grievous and undeserved wrong. I have prepared a faithful ao- 
cuuut of my adventures in the Polar regions, showing to what injurious treatment I 
was subjected while on board the exploring brig Advance. In this forthcoming 
volume, I have related facts which I defy Dr. Kane's friends and flatterers to disprove. 
1 have shown that 1 placed my life in the greatest peril by traveling on foot 9.'> miles, 
in the darkest and coldest part of tho Arctic winter, to procure food for my dying 
comjianions. I have shown that I saved Dr. Kane's life at the risk of my own, and 
that he afterward attempted to shoot me, wiiliout ?.ny just cause or provocation. The 
book containing an account of my hMrdship.<;, sufferings, and wrongs in the Arctic 
regions, will bo published within a few days, by ilr. Llotu, of Phihuleljihia. Snch 
has been the influence of the stigma cast npon my character by Dr. Kane's publica- 
tions, that I have found it almost impossible to obtain empbiyment in the United 
States; the reader, therefore, will not lie surprised when I say that I have been com- 
pelled to drive an nmnibrtg in Philadelphin, the past year, for a living. This Vindi- 
cation would have appeared sooner, but I was unable to meet the expense of publica- 
tion, until Mr. Lm>yi) agreed to publish my book at his owu risk. This geutlemau 
hA» enabled a poor and unfortunate man to bring liis cause before the American public, 
from whom he asks no more than a fair and impartial hearing, and a just dccisioQ, 
according to the true and obvious merits of tho case. 

"WM. C. GODFREY. 

Philadelphia, June \st, 1857. ■ 

D^'Sow Ready tlte most thrilling Book of the Agc^^ 

GODFREY'S THRILLING NARRATIVE 

OF THE LAST GRINNELL 

ARCTIC EXPLORiNC EXPEDITION, 

IN SEARCH OE SIR JOHN FRANKLIN. 
By "WILIjIAM C. GODFHEY, one of the Survivors. 

Three hundred pages, and eighty engravings. Price, iu paper, 60 cents; cloth 
binding, $1.00. 



KuoM THE NoBTH BRITISH KuviKW. — "This attempt to take the life of Wm. G. God- 
frey, which no law, human or divine, can justify, wjis, fortunately for Dr. Kane, over- 
ruled. When in a former Arctic expedition, its leader shot a ferocious Indian of his 
parly, the world viewed it as an act of stern necessity and personal safety ; but God- 
frey was neither a iiiadnian nor an enemy ; he had marched M miles aUnw., iu the most 
dreary and coldest part of the Arctic Ocean, to bring fresh provisions to his dying com- 
rades, without which, Pr. Kane admits, they would have all perished." 

JSvery man, tvonian, and child should read this thrilling nar» 
ratlve of Godfrey's 8ufl°c-rings. 



J. T. I..L.OYD, PnblUher, Philadelphia, Pa. 

N B.— Tf von ranuot act as Agent, baud this Ciicular to sonio energotic young man. 



From thb North British Rrvirw.— "TIiib nttenipt to tnko the IITo of Wra. C. God- 
frey, which no law, humaa or divine, can justify, wiir, foilunalnly for Dr. Kane, ovor- 
rnl«J. When in a former Arctic expedition, its loader shot a ferocious Indian of his 
party, the world viewed it as an act of stern necessity and personal Rafely ; but God- 
frey was neitliera madman nor an enemy ; he liad marched 90 iniUs aJone, in tho most 
dreary and coldest part of the Arctic Ocean, to liriufT fresli provisions to his dyiag com- 
rades, without which, Ih-. Kane admits, they would have all perished." 



GODFREY'S THRILLING NARRATIVE 

OF THE LAST 

Grinnell Arctic Exploring Expedition 




WM. O. OODFBET, (FROM A PHOTOOEAPH.) 



IN SEARCH OF S!R JOHN FRANKLIN 

By WM. C. GODFREY, One of the Survivors. 
Tlirre hiindrcxl p.ij,'cs au<l SO Eugravin^fs. Price in Clotli Binding, |$1 

.1. T. LLOYD, Publisher, J»h«lnd'a. 



MATRIMOinAL BaOKERAQE. 403 

THE GREAT SENSATION BOOK, 

JUST ISSUED, 

MATRIMOMAL BROKERAGE l.\ TUE METROPOLIS. 

The most astounding Tolume issued in many jears. 200 pp. mas' 
tratod on Steel and "Wood. Portraits of 

A Fifth Avenue Belle, who answered a ?50,000 Advertisement for a 
" Pretty Wife." 

Portrait of Sire. AVlllls, the Matrimonial Broker ) lilst of VlOi 
tlms, Merchants, Ijawyers, Southern Planters, and Fast 
Toung Men i all Introduced to beautiful but thoughtless 
Olrls. A bushel of liove I^etters and Daguerreotypes cap- 
tured by the Police ftrom Dr. Lyons, before he sailed for Kn- 
rope. Over 3000 Matches made at Mrs. Willis' Office annu- 
ally. Johfi Dean and Miss Boker. Breach of Promise Cases, 
arising from Matrimonial Brokerage Offices, one for 910,000} 
another for 96,000 { and for 911,000. Names of many of the 
Victims— Men -»Tell kno^vn. 

Hear what the New York Evening Post sar/s, ( Wm. C. Bryant, Editor.) 
Matbimonial. — The snbject was novel, and the writer of tho 
articles is the first who has given it a thorough investigation. His 
inquiries have been long and laborious, and not always pleasant; 
but the results, as he has given them, are in every essential re- 
spect authentic. Some doubt has been expressed, by correspond- 
ents and others, as to the truth of his descriptions of the several 
interviews held in a recent instance, but we are assured, on the 
best of evidence, that they are nothing more nor less than a faith- 
ful report of wliat took place and was said. If we had not been 
convinced of this, the articles would not have been printed in this 
paper. The author, moreover, has many letters and documents 
that have fallen into his hands, and which we have seen, confirma- 
tory of the stories he has narrated. 

Many breach of promise cases arise from acquaintances formed 
In matrimonial offices, and by means of advertisements ; a fact 
which is illustrated by the history of Mr. Gillette, in another num- 
ber. In short, it may be taken for granted, in nearly every case, 
that tliese proceedings are designed to decoy unthinking, inexpe- 
rienced, and heedless persons into some trap, either to wheedle 
them out of their money, or to put tliem in a position in which 
they will be completely in the power of tlie sharpers. 

We believe that the writer who makes these exposures has ran- 
iered a service to the public, and the book which he proposes to 
form from his contributions will contain much valuable informa- 
tion. 

200 Pages, Octavo. Price 50 Cents. 

Address J. T. LLOYD, Publisher, Philada., Pa 



H E L P E R'S 



IMPENDING CRISIS 



DISSECTED, 



SAML. M. WOLFE, 

VIRGINIA. 



■,v>tti^y ^• 



V 






On all sides, from innumerable tongues, 
A dismtil, universal hiss, the sound 

Of public SCORN." 

MlUoii'a Paradise Lost. 



' PIIILADELPIIIA: '- 

J. T- Xi 11. O "^ST D , A^ 

1860. 






Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S60, by 

J . T. LLOYD, 

In the Clerk's Office of tlie District Court of the United States, In and for the 
Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 



DEDICATION 



IIon's THOS. S. BOCOCK and R. M. T. HUNTER, 

OP Virginia, 

Hox. JOHN COCHRANE, of New York, 
Hon. JOHN D. ASHMORE, op South Carolina, 
Hon. CHARLES H. LARRABEE, of Wisconsin, 
Hon. JABEZ L. M. CURRY, of Alabama, 
Hon. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, of Illinois, 
Hon. John B. CLARK, of Missouri, 
Hon. PHILIP B. FOUKE, of Illinois, 
Hon. JOHN McRAE, of Mississipi'i, 



TO ALL PATRIOTS NORTH AND SOUTH, 

IN THEIR ENDEAVORS TO ENSURE THE SUCCESSFUL DEFEAT OP 

HELPERJ5if AND SHERMAN/^J/, 

And who love truth better than falsehood, who desire to see the 

Constitution of our fathers preserved inviolate of the spirit of 

Harmony that brought it into being, and who desire to see 

the hellish doctrines of Republicanism crushed to pieces, 

THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED, 

BY THEIR 

FEIEND AND FELLOW-CITIZEN, 

THE AUTHOR. 
(iii) 



PREFACE. 



After the first appearance of Helper's " Impend- 
ing Crisis of the South," the Author of this work 
intended to have answered it immediately; but on 
considering it, he thought that it was too contempt- 
ible to notice, and he determined to pay no attention 
to it whatsoever, and would have adhered to his 
resolution had the work not had so much importance 
given to it by Members of Congress during the late 
contest for Speakership of the House of Represent- 
atives. But as the work has been brought to the 
attention of the publjc by Members of Congress, we 
think some notice may be taken of the 7nany lies con- 
tained in the work of this vile A^Tetch (Helper). 
And in refuting his would-be arguments, and by 
correcting his Statistics, and calling the attention of 
the public to the incendiary portions of his infamous 
work, we will not allow ourselves, like Helper, to 
descend so much beneath the dignity of humanity, 

(1) 



Z PREFACE. 

much less of a gentleman, be that humanity ever 
so corrupt, as to notice some of the obscure and 
disgusting insinuations, leading these, as we do, for 
the public to consider them as the effusions of a 
diseased brain, — as Mr. Helper's must have been, or 
he never would have stooped so low as to make the 
dirty allusions to those who honestly differed with 
him And it appears worse M'hen we consider that not 
more than three years ago, this very same man held 
the opinion that Slavery ivas riglit and ought to be 
extended, as we show on Page 67 of our work ; but 
who seeing he could make nothing further out of the 
South, went to the North and turned against us, and 
now {not honestly we believe) denounces what he 
once considered right as being wrong. We leave it 
to the public to judge what confidence can be placed 
in such a man. We have not followed Helper in a 
regular manner in considering liis Statistics, but 
have met them all at one time. BclicAing, as we 
do, that we here discharge a high duty not only 
to truth, but to our country, we put fortli the fol- 
lowhig pages for the consideration of the citizens 
of the United States. 

March 1st, I860. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

PAUB 

The Black Reptililican Party a Disunion Party — The Unanswer- 
able Proofs— Their Open Hostility to the South — The Fanat- 
ics of the North urging on a " Crisis" that will rebound on 
the heads of the Freemen of the North, and bring down 
Labor in the North to Starvation Prices!— The Ball set in 
motion— Strike of Six Thousand Mechanics in Massachusetts 
— First Fruits of Republicanism 7 

CHAPTER ir. 

Statistical Fallacies of Helper's Book — The True State of the 
Case — Large Balance in favor of the South — The boasted 
Free Labor of the North overshadowed by the Productions 
of the South — Report of the Secretary of the United States' 
Treasury — The Republican Party trying to Dissolve the 
Union of the States— The South in favor of Perpetuating 
the Union of these States as long as their rights are respected 
— Republican Party a Sectional Party — The Proofs from 
Northern Men 33 

CHAPTER in. 

Helper's Slanders on the Non-Slaveholding people of the South 
refuted — Better chance in the South for a poor man than in the 
North — The proofs — Names of prominent Statesmen of the 

(3) 



ft CONTENT?. 

PAGE 

South who have risen fiom poverty to the highest eminence 
— The Nogro well treated in the South — Richly repaid for his 
Lahor — Comparisons between the poor Whites of the North 
and tlie Negro of the South — The Strike of the poor Whites 
in Massachusetts — They admit that tliey are worse off than 
the Slavec in the South 57 

CHAPTER IV. 

Tins Ziyj^ocr'sy of Helper— In favor of Slavery in his work 
issAca 18i5 — Driven from the South for stealing three 
liuuclr«>d dt'llars — Writes "Helper's Impending Crisis of the 
South" — Helper denounces free negroes in his " Land of 
Gold" — ■'^a^uable statistical information in regard to the 
power and wealth of the South — Seaports of the South 
— Shore lins of States on the Atlantic Ocean in favor of 
the South, of eighteen thousand miles more than the North 
— The power of the South to establish and maintain a 
separate an 1 independent government against the United 
North combuied — The military strength of the South esti- 
mated at six million whites — Her immense resources in case 
of war , 6G 

CHAPTER V. 
Helper's ignorance of the feelings of the uon-slaveholding 
populaion of the South to their country — The negroes of 
the South trae to their masters — The proofs given at Har- 
per's Ferry — Not a slave attempted to run away — The South 
have no fears of the uprising of the negroes — How the ne- 
groes aided their masters to repel the British under Lord 
Cornwallis, and at New Orleans — Report of the Virginia 
Legislature on the Harper's Ferry outrage 1G 

CHAPTER VI. 
Helper's Book Ruining the Trade of the North — Trade Crushed 
— The Bankruptcy of the entire North predicted — Helper's 



CONTENTS. 5 

PAOB 

Advioo to tlio North adopt^id by the entire South — Republi- 
can Party responsible for the Withdrawal of the Southern 
Trade — "The Shoe commences to Pinch" — Ilulper'a Statis- 
tics of the Prices of Land in the Soutli demolished 12G 

CHAPTER Vir. 

The Declaration of Independence quoted to prove the Negro 
was not Born, " Created Free and Equal," with the White Man 
— Judge Taney's Decision in the Dred Scott Case quoted to 
prove the Author's assertions 153 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Northern Testimony in regard to the Aggressions of the Re- 
publican Party against the South — Extracts from the Speeches 
of the Hon. J. A. Logan and Stephen A. Douglas — The Dam- 
age inflicted upon the Northern Mercliants and Manufacturers 
by the Republican Party — The Proofs — The South in favor of 
Disunion in certain Contingencies — Eloquent Defense of the 
South, by Hon. Horatio G. Seymour of New York, and Col. 
J. W. Wall of New Jersey 1G2 

CHAPTER IX. 

Speech of the Hon. L. Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi, on the 
Excitement of the times— His noble defense of Slavery— Civil 
War in the United States predicted years ago by Commodore 
Decatur, of the United States Navy — Slavery proven to have 
existed in the Hebrew Nation — Lord Macaulay, the author, 
quoted to show the vast ruin it would entail upon thou- 
sands of the whites in England, were Slavery abolished in 
the United States — The great blessings of the Cotton Crop.. 179 

CHAPTER X. 

Helper's Quotations from the Bible annihilated — Slavery not 
denounced by the Bible — The Proofs of Slavery as it existed 



6 CONTEXTS 

PAGE 

before Christ — Southern Slavery Beneficial both to the Slave 
and his Master — 1 he Bible endorses Slavery : hence the cry of 
the Republicans, " We must have an Anti-slavery Bible, an 
Anti-slavery Constitution, and an Anti-slaver_^- God !" 204 

CHAPTER XL 

Our Views on Slavery — The Negro as he is, incompetent to do 
for Himself— The Proofs— Conclusion 213 



HELPEirS IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 



CHAPTER I. 

The Black Republican Party a Disunion Party — T?ie Unanswerable 
Proofs— Their Open Hostility to the South— The Fanatics of the 
North urging on a "Crisis" that will rebound on the heads of the 
Freemen of the North, and bring down Labor in the North to 
Starvation Prices! — The Ball set in motion — Strike of Six Thou- 
sand Mechanics in Massachusetts— First Fruits of Republicanism. 

"Judge me not ungentle, 
Of manner rude, and insolent of speech, 
If, when the public safety is in question, 
My zeal flows warm and eager from my tongue." 

In 1859, a man destitute of principle, driven from a 
State of which he chiims to be a native on account of 
his rascality, published a book at the instance of the 
" Publishing Committee" of the Black Republican Party, 
to be used as a campaign document, entitled " The Im- 
pending Crisis of the South; by Ilinton Rowan Helper, 
of North Carolina." 

This book, advocating treason, rebellion, civil "war, in- 
surrection, murder, arson, rapine and bloodshed, received 
the signatures of the following Members of Congress, re- 
commending its circulation, etc. : — - 

(7) 



HELPER S IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 



Schujler Colfax, 
Anson Burlingarae, 
Owen Lovejoy, 
Amos P. Granger, 
Edwin B. Morgan, 
Galusba A. Grow, 
Joshua R. GiddingSj^ 
Edward Wade, • 
Calvin C. Chaffee, 
Abraham B. Olin, 
Emory B. Pottel, 
T. Davis (Mass.), 
R. E. Fenton, 
Charles Case, 
Homer E. lloyce, 
Robert B. Hall, 
David Kilgore, 
John M. \Vood, 
Charles J. Gilman, 
J. W. Sherman, 
0. B. Matteson, 
E. P. Walton, 
Francis E. Spinner, 
W^ra. H. Kelsey, 
Wm. A. Howard, 
Henry Wahlron, 
John Sherman, (u./ >' 
George W. Palmer, 
Daniel W. Gooch, ^ 
Henry L. DaAves, 
Justin S. Morrill, 
Israel Vrashburne, Jr. 
Sidney Dean, 
De Witt C. Leach, 



J. F. Farnsworth, 
Pliileman Bliss, 
T. Davis (Iowa), 
Isaiah D. Clawson, 
Valentine B. Hortony 
William Stewart, 
John M. Parker, 
Chas. B. Hoard, 
Wm, D. Brayton, 
Richard Mott, 
James Wilson, 
Silas i\I. Burroughs, 
J. A. Bingham, 
Wm. Kellocror 

E. B. Wasliburne, 
Benjamin Stanton, 
Edward Dodd, 

C. B. Tompkins, 
John Covode, 
Cad.C. Washburne, 
P. G. Adams, 
N. B. Durfee, 
John F. Potter, 
C. L. Knapp, 
]Mason W. Tappan, 
James Pike, 
A. S. Murray, 

F. 11. Morse, 
Samuel K. Curtis, 
Stephen C. Foster, 
John Thompson, 
Jas. BufTington, 
Geo. B. Robbins, 
S. A. Purviance. 



helper's impexding crisis dissected. 9 

Hear also what AVin. TI. Seward, the great leader of the 
" Irrepressible Conflict" Black Republican Faction says 
about it : "I have read the 'Impending Crisis of the 
South' with deep attention. It seems to me a work of 
great merit, rich, yet accurate, in statistical information, 
and logical in analysis." 

Mr. Si'ward recommends tliis book of Helper's as being 
** accurate." Now we propose to show that, instead of 
"accurate," it is far from being so. On the 8th page, at 
the top, the author says, "At the time of the adoption of 
the Constitution, in 1789, we commenced an even race 
with the North. All things considered, if cither the North 
or the South had the advantage, it was the latter." Then 
the author goes on to prove, by comparing New York and 
Virginia together, and says: "In 1790, when the first 
Census was taken, New York contained 840,120 inhabit- 
ants ; at the same time, the population of Virginia was 
748,308, being more than twice the number of New York." 

Now it is clearly proved by the published Compendium 
of the Census of 1850 by Congress, that the real excess 
of her population, in 17i*0, was owing to the large amount 
of her colored population. 

On page 45 of " Census Compendium," it will be seen 

that, in 1790, Virginia had the fi^llowing population: — 

Whites 442.045 

Page 63, 

Free Negroes 12,766 

Page 82, 

Slaves 293,427 



10 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

MakiiiiT tlie whole amount of 

Whites 442,045 

Negroes (Free and Slave) 3j6,193 

Total majority of Whites 135,852 

New York had, in 1700, 

Whites 314,142 

Free Colored 4, G54 

Slaves 21,324 

Making the whole amount of 

Whites 314,142 

Kegroes (Free and Slave) 26,078 

Total majority of Whites 8,064 ' 2 S i^ i^' 

Now we intend to show tiiat, in 1790, the following 
States were not in the Union, viz, : — Alabama, Arkansas, 
Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, 
Ohio, Texas, nor the District of Columbia (of which part 
belonged to Virginia, and the other Maryland). Indiana, 
Illinois and Ohio were a part of Virginia ; and when ceded 
to the United States, necessarily took with them a part of 
the population of Virginia. In 1800, Indiana was ceded 
to the United States by Virginia, with the following popu- 
lation : — 

Whites 2,574 

Free Colored 163 

Slaves 135 

Total 2,872 

Ohio was ceded also, in 1800, with the following popu- 
lation : — 

Whites 24,433 

Free Colored » 337 

Total -. 24,770 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 11 

There were no slaves in this State until 1880, and they 
amounted to six in number. 

Illinois was ceded, in 1810, uith the following popula* 

tion : — 

Whites G,3S0 

Free Colored C13 

Slaves 1G8 

Total 7,161 

Thus taking away quite a large amount of her population. 

But, before considering Mr. Helper and the "Impending 
Crisis of the South," we will consider the Black Republican 
party, as it is for this party's benefit that Mr. Helper's 
book was published, and under their direction. 

We intend to show that a dissolution of the Union is 
the object of the Abolition " Republican" party ; and, in 
doing so, it would be a very easy thing to show, by testi- 
mony on record, enough to satisfy every patriotic and 
Constitutional Union man in the country, that this is their 
aim and object by their attacks on the South and her in- 
stitutions. 

The ablest of the anti-slavery agitators belong to the 
"Anti-Slavery Republican Party." Tliis title for their 
"Party" may be very distasteful to them, but, neverthe- 
less, it is the true name for their organization. The " Re- 
publican party could not exist another day, were it not for 
that prominent section of their platform avowing, its hos- 
tility to the Institution of Slavery. The head-quarters for 
carrying on their operations are England and Massachu- 



1% helper's I.MPKNDrXG CRI.= IS DISSECTED. 

Betts, and thev Jo not attempt to conceal It. A number 
of tlie London Tele(/rap?i of 1856, one of their British 
organs, says : 

" There are now over three millions of human beings 
licld in cruel bondage in the United States. If, therefore, 
the United States Government deny, and is resolved to 
question, the riglit of Great Britain to her Central Amer- 
ican possessions, we, the people of the British Empire, are 
resolved to strike off the shackles from the feet of her 
three millions of slaves. And there are those among us 
who will sanctify such a glorious cause." The London 
News^ speaking of a probability of a war between' Great 
Britain and tlie L^nitcd States, says : '■'' The Abolitionists 
would be with us to a man. The best of them are so now." 
Conservative people of the North, look at this, — the 
^^Rejnihlican' Party are willing to sell your country into 
the hands of our enemy (England), for two pieces of silver, 
instead of thirty, as Judas did his Lord. 

In each number of one of the leading newspapers of 
this so-called '"'■ Republican ' Party, published at Boston, 
there appeared at the head of its columns, during the 
campaign of 1856. when John C. Fremont was their 
standard-bearer, the following motto, in prominent char- 
acters : — " A'b Union with Slaveholders! The United 
States Constitution is a covenant with Death, and an 
agreement ivith Hell!" And this, together with several 
other papers published in that section, constantly, openly 
and boldly advocated an immediate dissolution of the 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 13 

Union. At the twcntj-third annual meeting of the Mas- 
sachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, which convened at Boston 
on the 24th day of January, 1856, it was 

'''' Resolved, That the one great issue before the Country 
is the dissolution of the Union, in cou^iparison with which 
all other issues with the Slave-power are as dust in the 
balance. Therefore, we will give ourselves to the work of 
annulling this covenant with death," as essential to our own 
innocency and the speedy and everlasting overthrow of the 
slave system." 

On that occasion, Wendell Phillips commenced his speech 
in favor of disunion thus : — " I entirely accord with the 
sentiment of that last resolution. I think all we have to 
do is to 2)rej)are the public mind, by the daily and hourly 
presentation of the doctrine of disunion. Events which, 
fortunately for us, the GovQi^nment itself, and other par- 
tics, are producing with unexampled rapidity, are our best 
aid. 

And this speech, continued in this spirit, was applauded 
throughout by the audience there assembled. 

On the 18th day of December, 1855, Mr. Giddings, in 
the House of Representatives, made a speech on the or- 
ganization of the House, in which, after heaping upon the 
South the most insulting epithets, — and thereby, so far as 
in him lay, weakening the bonds of the Union, — in alluding 
to a remark that the aggressions of the Black Republicans, 
if continued, would lead to a destruction of the Govern- 
ment, he turned to the Southern members, and, in a tone 



14 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

of bravado, remarked: "You shall not dissolve the 
Union. With unwavering determination, we say to those 
traitors. You shall not dissolve it!" The Boston Libera- 
tor, of the 11th of January last, thus gently reproves the 
insincerity of his friend: "Mr. Giddings says truly that 
the dissolution of the Union has long been held up as a 
scarecrow by the South ; but when he adds that the 
friends of liberty have never demanded it, his statement 
is untrue, unless he means to confine it to his political as- 
sociates, who are but compromisers at best. We demand 
nothing short of a dissolution, absolute and immediate. 
The Union, which has been founded by our fathers, was 
cemented by the blood of the slave, and efFected through 
his immolation." 

On the national anniversary, the 4th of Julj'-, 1856, 
when the whole American pcTJ^lc should have sent up one 
united heart to the throne of God in gratitude for the 
countless blessings showered upon us, a mass meetinof was 
held at Framingham, in Massachusetts, at Avhich several 
disunion speeches were made, and received with applause. 
Our space will not allow us to give extracts from but two. 
Wm. Lloyd Garrison said : — 

" Let us then, to-day, rejecting as wild and chimerical 
all suggestions and contrivances and propositions for 
restraining slavery in its present limits, while extending 
constitutional protection to it in fifteen of the thirty-one 
States, register our pledge anew before Heaven and the 
world, that we will do what in us lies to effect the eternal 



helper's impendixg crisis dissected. 15 

oveytJirow of tJiis hlood-stained Union, that thus our en- 
slaved countryraeii may find a sure deliverance, and ^ve 
may no longer be answerable for their blood." J. B. 
Swassey, Esq., who addressed the meeting at the same 
time, said : " In the old times, I was called an Anti- 
Slavery Whig. But, Mr. President, it has come to my 
mind like a conviction, that it is utterly in vain to hope 
that we can live under such a Government as this ■with our 
professions, and with our pretended love of freedom and 
right. Why, the thing is impossible. There cannot, in 
the nature of things, be an}' union between the principles 
of liberty and slavery. Tiiere never has been any union, 
except by the subjugation of the principles of liberty to 
those of despotism. For one, sir, I believe that the duty 
of every true man is now to take the ground of secession.'^ 
A writer in the National Anti- Slavery Standard, writing 
from Newburg, on the Hudson River, under date of May 
28th, 1856, said : " But I waste words. In this fearful 
crisis one hope is left us, — the hope that the people of the 
North will see the jeopardy in which they stand, and will 
look disunion calmly in the face. Let those of us who 
feel this wrong throw away these miserable party divi- 
sions, and, lifting up our eyes to that Heaven where 
Liberty, the daughter of God, stands forever by her 
Father's throne, STRIKE in her name, and but one 
blow !" 

We know it will be said that these are the sentiments 
of the ultra Abolitionists, and that those virtuous gentle- 



16 llEM'LU's IMPENDING CRISIS Dr.SSECTKD. 

men, Seward, Greeley, Glidings, Fremont, Banks, Came- 
ron, Wilson, Wade, and Company, do not intend to go 
quite so far. We implore you, fellovr-citizens of the 
North, if you love your country, to hug no such delusive 
hope to your bosoms. Those whose sentiments we have 
quoted see the inevitable tendency of this Anti-Slavery 
agitation, and frankly avow their objects. But those 
last-named are endeavoring to conceal their real purposes, 
and, by exciting and misleading the masses, make them 
instruments for their own destruction. The Garrison 
school and the Seward school are identical in their objects, 
instruments, and results. They trim their sails to the 
same winds, and will arrive at precisely the same port. 
They sing the same song of " Slave aggression," " Slave 
oligarchy," "Bleeding Kansas," and "Slave democracy," 
and they sing it to precisely the same tune. 

Horace Greeley, the pilot of the disunion craft, on 
which Seward is captain, and Giddings, Sherman, Banks, 
Cameron, Wilson, Wade, Chase, Fremont, Bissell, Went- 
worth, Lovejoy and Company have taken passage, just be- 
fore the passage of the Kansas Act, gave his command for 
agitation in these words: "We urge, therefore, uabending 
determination on the part of the Northern members hos- 
tile to this intolerable outrage, and demand of them, in 
behalf of peace, in behalf of freedom, in behalf of justice 
and humanity, resistance to the last. Better that confu- 
sion should ensue — better that discord should reign in the 
national councils — better that Congress should break up 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 17 

in wild disorder — nay, better that the Capitol itself should 
blase by the torch of the incendiary, or fall and bury all 
its inmates beneath its crumbliny ruins — than that this 
perfidy and wrong shouM be finally accomplished !" 

Seward, who is the very life and soul of this party, as 
far back as 1848, in a speech made at Cleveland, six years 
before the passage of the JCa?i^as Nebraska Act, gave the 
world a very clear intimation of the plan of operations 
which they are now carrying out. He says : " Correct 
your own error — that slavery has any constitutional guar- 
antee which may not be released, and ought not to be re- 
linquished. Say to Slavery, when it shows its bond (that 
is, the Constitution) and demands its pound of flesh, that, 
if it draws one drop of blood, its life shall pay the for- 
feit." * * * * " Do all this, and inculcate all this 
in the spirit of moderation and benevolence, and not of 
retaliation and fanaticism, and t/ou tvill soon bring the 
parties of the country into an effective aggression upon 
Slavery' ' 

Senator "Wilson of Massachusetts, another active le;>dcr, 
in a lecture delivered at Tremont Temple, Boston, last 
Spri^ says : " Send it abroad on the wings of the wind, 
that I am committed, fully committed, committed to the 
fullest extent, in favor of immediate and unconditional 
abolition of Slavery wherever it exists under the authority 
of the Constitution of the United States." 

And again, in a letter dated June 20th, 1855, to 

Wendell Phillips, an extract from one of whose disunion 
9* 



18 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

speeches vre have given above, "Wilson says : " I hope, my 
dear sir, that we shall all strive to unite and combine all 
the friends of freedom, that we shall forget each other's 
faults and short-comings in the past, and all labor to 
secure that co-operation, by which alone the slave is to he 
emancipated, and the dominion of his master broken. 
Let us remember that more than three millions of bond- 
men, groaning under nameless woes, demand that we shall 
cease to reproach each other, and that we labor for their 
deliverance." 

We will now, without comment, give a few additional 
extracts from speeches and writings of the leaders of the 
^ZacA: " Republican Party," and which are so numerous, 
and becoming more so every day, that we shall, for the 
want of space, be able to quote only a few. 

" The Union is not worth supj^ortinr/ in connection with 
the South." — IIoiiACE Greely. 

" I look forward to the day when there shall be a 
servile insurrection in the South ; when the black man 
armed with British bayonets, and led on by British officers, 
shall assert his freedom, and wage a war of extermination 
against his master ; wlien the torch of the incendiarf^shall 
light lip the tow7is and cities of the South, and blot out 
the last vestige of slavery ; and though I may not laugh 
at their calamity, nor mock when their fear cometh, yet I 
shall hail it as the dawn of a political millenmum." — 

GiDDINGS. 

"I am willing, in a certain state of circumstances, to 



helper's IMrENDIXG CRISIS DISSECTED. 19 

let the Union slide." — N. P. Banks, once Speaker of the 
U. S. House of Representatives, now Governor of Massa- 
chusetts. 

"In the case of the alternative being presented, of the 
continuance of slavery or a dissolution of the Union, I 
am for dissolution, and I care not how soon it coiiies." — 
RuFus B. Spauldixg. 

" I detest slavery, and say unhesitatingly, that I am 
for its abolition by some means, if it should send all the 
lyarty organizations in the Union, or the Union itself, to 
the devil." — II. M. Addison, of the American Advertiser. 

"Better disunion, better a civil or a servile war, better 
any thing that God in his providence shall send, than an 
extension of the bonds of slavery." — Horace Mann. 

"If peaceful means fail us, and we are dri/en to the 
last extremity, where ballots are useless, then we'll make 
bullets effective." — Hon. Erastus Hopkins, of Massa- 
chusetts. 

" On the action of this Convention depends the fate of 
the country; if the 'Republicans' fail at the ballot- 
box, we will be forced to drive back the slaveocracy 
WITH FIRE AND THE SWORD." — Genl. Watson 
Webb, in a speech in the Convention that nominated 
FREMONT, and which was received with "TREMEN- 
DOUS APPLAUSE." 

" The remedy is to go to the polls, and through the 
ballot-box repudiate the infamous j)latforra put forth at 
Cincinnati, and over which the black flag of slavery 



20 HELPEIl'S IMPEXDIXa CIIISIS DISSECTED. 

waves Avith characteristic impudence ; and failing in this, 
do as our fathers did before us — stand by cur inalienable 
rights, and drive back, with arms, those who dare to 
tramjjle upon our inheritance." — From Genl. Webb's 
editorial in his paper. 

"I sincerely hope a civil war may burst upon the 
country. I want to see American slavery abolished in 
my day. It is a legacy I have no wish to leave my 
children. Then my most fervent prayer is, that England, 
France, and Spain may speedily take this slavery-accursed 
nation into their special consideration, and when the time 
arrives for the streets of the cities of this 'land of the 
free and home of the brave' to run with blood to the 
horses bridles, if the writer of this be living, there will 
be one heart to rejoice at the retributive justice of 
Heaven." — W. 0. Duvall, "one of the leading Republi- 
cans of New York." 

" It is the duty of the North, in case they fail in elect- 
ing a President and Congress that will restore freedom in 
Kansas, to revolutionize the government." — Resolution of 
a "Black" Republican meeting in Wisconsin. 

" By all her regard for the generations of the future, 
by her reverence for God and man, the North is bound to 
dissolve her present union with kidnappers and murderers, 
and form a Northern Republic on the basis of "No union 
with slaveholders." — Henry C. Wright, writing from 
Waukegan, Illinois, under date of June Oth, 185G, to one 
of the Northern papers. 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 21 

"Resolved, that the slavery advocates may prate to 
their heart's content about the ' Glorious Union,' the 
mighty advantages resulting therefrom, the dangers to 
which it is exposed, arising from the agitation of the 
slavery question, and the incalculable evils consequent 
upon its dissolution. "We, as friends of human freedom, 
know no political union, and acknowledge none but that 
based on the equality and brotherhood of man. Every 
other union is a shadow without substance. We, more- 
over, in all sincerity declare, that, if the Union of these 
United States is built upon slavery, it is not worth 
preserving. YEA, LET IT BE DASHED INTO X 
THOUSAND FRAGMENTS, rather than serve as a 
perpetuation of wholesale robbery." — Resolution passed 
at a Black Repnhlican meeting at Farlovis Grove, 
3fercer County, Illinois. 

"I tell you, fellow-citizens, the Harper's Ferry out- 
break was the legitimate consequence of the teachings of 
the Republican party." — Senator Wilson, of Massachu- 
setts, in a speech delivered at Syracuse, New York, on 
the 28th October, 1859. 

After this exhibit, and the recollection of the fact that 
the most of these men have been continued for years in 
high positions, it will not perhaps surprise the public to 
hear that the people of Ohio have just elected Mr. Denni- 
son, governor, who, during the canvass, is- reported to have 
made the following declaration in one of his public 
speeches 



22 helper's impending ciiisis dissected. 

" If I am elected governor of Oliio — and I expect to 
he — I Mill not let any fugitive be returned to Kentucky, 
or any other slave State; and if I cannot prevent it in 
any other way, as commander-in-chief of the military of 
the State, I will employ the bayonet — so help me God!" 

When such doctrines as these are announced from men 
high in office, and high in the confidence of a political 
party which threatens to get possession of the Govern- 
ment, shall we express surprise and astonishment that 
there should be found men like Brown and his associates 
ready and willing to do in practice what Seward, AYilson, 
Sumner, Giddings, and Dennison, tell them is right, just, 
and holy ? Brown was caught in the act, and suffered 
with his associates the penalty of the law. They deserved 
their fate ; and no honest patriot has a tear to shed over 
their graves. T3ut what shall we say of the master spirits 
who have stimulated, by their maddening appeals and 
treasonable teachings, these deluded men to rebellion and 
bloodshed ? They are politicians who ask for public confi- 
dence, and would have the people intrust to their hands 
the administration of this great Government, with all its 
cares, interests, and responsibilities. In advance, they 
notify the country what may be expected from thera if 
the power is given to them. It certainly requires no gift 
of foreknowledge to read the future of this country if, in 
an evil hour, the people should place in power the men 
and party who, we have shown, are justly responsible 
before God and man for these acts of violence and blood- 



lUai'EK S I.MPKXDIXG CUISIS DISSECTED. L'-S 

shed. It is time that the subcr-miivled and patriotic men 
ot" the Nortli shouhl look to these things. The issue ia 
precipitated upon us, and cannot be longer postponed. 
We must meet it, and save the country, or be prepared 
to sufier in the general ruin which these reckless men are 
rapidly bringing upon the country. 

Now, we do charge the llcpublicans with complicity in 
the Harper's Ferry outrage, although some of their jour- 
nals try to deny the fact. We give a few honest senti- 
ments by a Republican paper. The Winsfead (Ct.) Herald 
is a Republican paper, and has fought manfully for that 
party. The editor is an Abolitionist, and has no conceal- 
ment to make of Ids views in regard to old John Brown. 
The following is from the Winstead Herald, October 27 : 

" And here we may as wtdl say, we have no admiration 
for that class of Republican newspapers which are so eager 
to disclaim and disavow all fellowship and sympathy for 
Old John Brown. Did they stop here, Ave could be patient 
Avith'them ; but when they go further, and pelt him with 
tlie titles of madman, crazy, muddled, and insane, we say 
out upon them for hypocrites and traitors — 'little villains,' 
unworthy to lick or feel the foot of Old John Brown. His 
plans may have been INJUDICIOUS — we are not at present 
able to judge of them ; but it is plainly evident his friends 
did not stick by him in the hour of trial as men stood hy each 
other eighty years ago. The fault may not be his but ours. 
When men pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their 
sacred honor eighty years ago, they meant what they said, 



24 helper's impexdtxg crisis dissected. 

and performed wliat they promiserl. We are sorrowfullj 
suspicious that in Old I'rown's case men did diflferently. 
At all event?., he is unsuccessful, and so Republican presses, 
the country over, fearful that their party would somehow 
lose a vote and themselves an office, fall to mouthinir Old 
Brown as heartily as twelve months since they praised, 
and vied with each other in denouncing and abusing him. 
For shame ! Old Brown had more nobleness in his soul, 
more honesty in his heart, more principle in his action, 
more courage in a single finger, than all such politicians 
from Maine to Oregon. lie dared to undertake what you 
in the security of your sanctums only are bold to preach. 
He failed ; had he succeeded, fifty coming years would 
have sanctified his grave with the holiness of a second 
Mount Vernon, granite and marble columns would rise to 
his memory, and the nation would add another to her 
jubilee days, whereon her orators would utter their noblest 
sentences in eulogy of Old John Brown. Alas ! it was 
not so to be — the slave toils on in an unloosened chain, the 
hero gasps in a dungeon, and the Republican press cannot 
find room enough for their renunciations and denunciations 
of demented Old John Brown. 

" For one, we confess we love him — tve honor him, we ap- 
plaud hi?n. lie is honest in his principles, courageous in 
their defense, and we have yet to be taught, reading from 
that Book of Inspiration we all acknowledge, how and 
wherein Old John Brown is a transfjressor. Do with him 
as we will, his ashes will some day be gathered to a hero's 



hp:lpkrs' impend IX a ciu?is di<sp:cted. 25 

tomb, his name -will bo written Avitli tbc Winklereids, and 
Tells, and AVashingtons of history, and the Amcricon 
school-boy shall yet be taught to listen with moistening 
eye and beating heart to the story of Old John Brown." 

It must be evident to every fair-minded and honorable 
man, that if John Brown had succeeded In his aims and 
objects, that the Republican Party would, ;is we quote 
above from an editorial of the " Winstead (Ct.) Herald," 
celebrate his death (that is, a natural death) as true Amer- 
ican people now do the birthdny of " the Father of his 
Country." " Granite and marble columns would rise to 
his memory, and the nation would add another to her jubi- 
lee days." 

No later than the 20th of March, Mr. Blake, of Ohio, 
offered the following resolution in the House of Represen- 
tatives, to stir up a dissolution of the Union. 

Mr. Blaice, of Ohio, offered the followinj:^ resolution in the 
House of lleitreseiitntives, on ^Moiubiy, tlie 2Gth March, ISGO : 

Whereas the chattelizing of humanity and the holding of 
persons as property is contrary to luilural justice and the funda- 
mental principles of our political system, and is notoriously a 
reproach to our country througliout tlie civilized world, and a 
serious hindrance to the progress of republican liberty among 
the nations of the earth : Therefore, 

Jiesolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be, and the 
same are hereby, instructed to inquire into the expediency of 
reporting a bill giving freedom to every human being, and in- 
terdicting slavery wherever Congress has the constitutional 
power to legislate on the subject. 

Mr. Smith, of Virginia, and others, objected. rCries from 
the Democratic benches of " Don't object !"] 



26 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

Several Members. Let the resolution be read again. 

Tlic rcsoliitiou was again read. 

Mr. Blake. I trust that, as the resolution is one of refer- 
ence only, there will be no objection. 

Mr. Barksdale. I withdraw my objection. 

The Speaker. Is there objection to the introduction of the 
resolution ? [Cries of "Don't object !"] The Chair hears no 
objection. 

Mr. Branch. I object to the preamble. [Cries of "It is 

too late !"] 

Mr. lIiNDMAN. I hope that there will be no objection to 
the introduction of the resolution. Let it come in, aud let us 
have the yeas and nays upon it. Let us make \i\) the record. 

Mr. Singleton. I hope that all objection will be with- 
drawn. I want, upon the vote by yeas and nays, to let the 
country see how many Representatives upon tliis floor will vote 
for such a resolution. 

Mr. Branch. At the rccpiest of friends all round me, I 
withdraw my objection to the preamble. 

Mr. Singleton. I demand the yeas and nays on the adop- 
tion of the resolution. 

The yeas and nays were ordered. 

The question was taken on the adoption of the resolution ; 
and it was decided in the negative — yeas GO, nays 109 ; as fol- 
lows : 

Yeai^ — Messrs. Charles F. Adams, Aldrich, Alley, Bingham, 
Blair, Blake, Brayton, Buffington, Burlingame, Burrouglis, 
Buttorlield, Carey, Carter, Colfax, Conkling, Curtis, Delano, 
Duell, Edgerton, Edwards, Eliot, Ely, Farusworth, Foster, 
Frank, Gooch, Grow, Gurley, Hale, Ilelinlck, Hoard, Hum- 
phrey, Ilutchins, Francis W. Kollog, DcWitt C. Leach, Lee, 
Lovejoy, McKean, Morrill, Olin, Palmer, Potter, Pottle, Rice, 
Sedgwick, Sherman, Somes, Spauiding, Spinner, William Stew- 
art, Tappan, Tompkins, Train, Vandever, Waldron, Walton, 



IIELPKR'S IMPENDINa CRISIS DISSECTED. 27 

Cadwaladcr C. Y\'aslibiirn, Elihu B. "Wasliburne, Wells, and 
Wiiidom— 60. 

Kai/.s — Messrs. Allen, Thomas L. Anderson, Ashraore, 
Aver}', Barksdale, B^rr, Barrett, Bocock, Boteler, Boyco, 
Branch, Briggs, Bristow, Burch, Burnett, Campbell, John 

B. Clark, Clopton, Cobb, John Cochrane, Cooper, Cox, 
James Craig, Burton Craige, Crawford, Curry, II. Winter 
Davis, John G. Davis, Reuben Davis, De Jarnette, Dunn, Ed- 
muiidson, Etheridge, Florence, Fouke, French, Garnett, Gar- 
trell, Gilmer, Hamilton, Hardeman, J. Morrison Harris, John 
T. Harris, Ilatton, Hickman, Hill, Hindman, Holraan, Hous- 
ton, Hughes, Jackson, Jenkins, Jones, Keitt, Kenyon, Kunkel, 
Lamar, Landrnm, James M. Leach, Leake, Logan, Love, 
Mallory, Charles D. Martin, Elbert S. Martin, McKnight, 
McPherson, McQueen, Mcllae, Miles, Millson, Milhvard, 
Montgomery, Laban, T. Moore, Sydenham Moore, Ed- 
ward Joy Morris, Isaac X. Morris, Niblack, Nixon, Noell, 
Phelps, Porter, Prior, Pugh, Quarles, Reagan, Riggs, James 

C. Robinson, RuQin, Schwartz, Scott, Scranton, Sirams, Sin- 
gleton, William Smith, Stallvvorth, Stevenson, James A. Stew- 
art, Stokes, Taylor, Thayer, Thomas, Trimble, Underwood, 
Yalandigham, Whiteley, Winslow, Woodson, and Wright — 
109. 

So the resolution was rejected. 

Pending the above call, 

Mr. Dunn said : I move that the resolution be laid upon the 
take. 

Mr. Phelps. That motion is not in order. The Clerk has 
proceeded with the call of the roll, and there has been a re- 
sponse; and pending the call of the roll, no other business is 
in order. The roll-call must be proceeded with. 

Mr. Dunn. I made my motion in time. 

Mr. Phelps, The call of the roll was proceeded with, and 
the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Adams] answered in 
the affirmative. 



28 iiklpek's impending crisis dissected. 

Mr. HiNDMAN. And I heard his respoiiso. 

The Speaker. The Clerk has recorded the name of ihe 
gentleman from Massachusetts in the affirmative. 

Mr. Phelps. Then the motion to lay upon the table is not 
in order, and cannot be received. 

The Speaker. Such is the decision of the Chair. The mo- 
tion of the g-entleraau from Indiana, [Mr. Dunn,] that the reso- 
lution be laid ujjou the table, was not made until the call of the 
roll was commenced and there was a response, and it is of 
course out of order, and cannot be entertained. 

Mr. Barr, when his name was called, said : I desire to say 
a word in reference to ray vote. I am opposed to all this agi- 
tation of the slavery question in every sense. ["Order I" 
"Order!"] I vote " no." 

Mr. BouLiGNY. I am paired ofi" with Mr. Ashley, of Ohio. 
If I were to vote I should vote "no." 

Mr. Frank stated that Mr. Burnham was paired off with 
Mr. Sickles. 

Mr. Davidson, ^[y colleague on the ConimiUce on En- 
rolled Bills [Mr. Theaker] is detained from the House, and I 
cannot vote while he is absent. If I could vote, I should vote 
"no." 

Mr. Dawes. Last week I paired off upon all questions of 
this character with ]Mr. Webster, of Maryland ; otherwise I 
should vote in the aftirmative. 

Mr. Frank stated that Mr. Ferry was paired oG" with ]\Ir. 
Maclay. 

Mr. KiLGORE. I desire to give the reasons 

Mr. Burnett. I object to all debate. 

The Speaker. All del)ate is out of order. 

Mr. KiLGORE. Will the gentleman allow me to give the 
reasons for ray vote ? 

Mr. Burnett. No, sir; vote "aye," or "no," without ex- 
planation. 

Mr. Martin, of Virginia, when his narae was called, said : 



helper's IMPENDrXa CRISIS DISSECTED, 20 

I a:;k tlic gentleman from lUiiioip, [Mr. Kilgore,] to give his 
ntteiilion a moment. I believe he paired mc uli' with iMr. Case, 
until twelve o'clock to-day. 

Mr. KiLGORE. That is so ; and I wonld be glad, as IMr. 
Case is not here, if the genlleiuaii would extend his pair until 
Wednesday. 

Mr. Martin, of Virginia. As I liave a right to vote, I vote 
"no." I would disgrace my district should I make an exi)lana- 
tion. 

Mr. Stokes stated that Mr. Maynard was paired off with 
Mr. Stratton. 

Mr. Logan stated that his colleague, Mr, McClernand, was 
paired off with Mr. Kellogg, of Illinois, for the day. 

Mr, Moore, of Kentucky. I desire to announce the pair of 
my colleague, Mr. Peyton, (who has been called home by the 
sickness of his daughter,) with Mr. Wood, from the 24:th of 
March, for twenty days. 

It was stated that Mr. Fenton was detained in his room by 
illness, 

Mr. McKnight stated that Mr, Morehead was paired off 
with Mr, Lamar on all questions on which there might be an 
antagonism between them. 

Mr. Brabson stated that Mr, Nelson was paired off with ^Mr, 
Killinger, 

Mr. Clark, of Missouri. I desire to have the forty-second 
rule read, requiring all members present to vote, I want it read 
now during the call of the roll, as I notice that ssveral mem- 
bers have declined to vote. I want every man iu the House to 
vote on this resolution. 

Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania, I object. 

The Spiaker. Objection being made, the rule cannot be 
read now. 

Mr. Sickles. I have paired off with Mr. Burnham, of Con- 
necticut, upon this and kindred questions ; otherwise I would 
have been glad to extinguish this tirebrand by voting "no." 



30 helper's imi>i:xdtxg ciu.<is dissected. 

Mr. Stevens, of rennsylvania. I wus paired off with Mr. 
Clemens until to-iiay ; but as he is not here, I decline to vote. 

Mr. Gilmer stated that Mr. Vance was paired off with Mr. 
Covode. 

Mr. McKxiGHT stated that Mr. Yerree was paired off. 

Mr. English. I was not within the bar of the House when 
my name was called ; had I been present, I should have voted 
"no." 

Mr. KiLLiXGER stated that he was paired off with Mr. Nel- 
son. 

Mr. French. I did not answer when my name was called, 
because I was not certain of the purport of the resolution. I 
have examined it, and regard it as ill-advised and ill-considered. 

Mr. Howard stated that he had paired off with Mr. Case. 

Mr. BONHAM. I merely desire to say that perhaps I ought 
to be paired with the gentleman from Ohio, the cliairman of 
the Committee on Military Affairs, [Mr. Staunton.] A friend 
of his called on the honorable gentleman from Virginia and 
myself to-day, and spoke abont procuring a pair with Mr. Stan- 
ton. I would have paired with him with great pleasure, and 
will pair with him now, although I do not know that I have a 
right to say that he would like to pair off with me on this ques- 
tion. If his friends on that side of the House are agreed, I am 
willing to take that course, and that it shall be regarded as a 
pair from the beginning. I should have paired with him if 
he could have got no one else. I have only to say, in addition, 
that I would have voted against the resolution. 

Mr. Brabson. Then I say, that, if I had been entitled to 
vote, I would have recorded my vote in the negative. 

Mr. DiMMiCK. If I had been within the bar, I would have 
voted "no." 

In giving the votes to the public, on this firebrand reso- 
lution of Mr. Blake, copied from the Congressional Globe, 
we do so to substantiate assertions made bv us: that the 



helper's IxMPendiis'g crisis dissected. 31 

ulterior purpose of the Republican party is the abolition 
of slavery. 

To the mind of an unprejudiced spectator of this com- 
bat between constitutionality and anarchy, the fact that 
sixty members of the House of Representatives voted for it, 
is a significant and unmistakable sign. Too truly might 
we repeat, with melancholy fitness of application, the pro- 
phetic curse of Catiline. There is, there can be, no 
reason assigned why, when such things become common, 

" Massacre" should not 
Seal our "eternal destiny in blood." 
It is too true, that although 

" A thousand years scarce serves to form a State : 
An hour may lay it in the dust." 
Now we proclaim, secondly, that disunion w^ould be the 

inevitable result of the success of the Black Republican 

party. 

We should not, fellow-citizens of the North, be dealing 
with you with that candor which you have a right to ex- 
pect, if we were to assert that the great mass of the peo- 
ple, Avhose minds have been lashed into this storm of fury 
and fanaticism, were at heart the enemies of their country, 
or desire its destruction. Indeed, I know that such is not 
the case. But the danger to the Republic is, therefore, 
none the less. No free government has ever yet been de- 
stroyed by foreign enemies, as long as the people under- 
stood their true interests. 

It is only where demagogues have been able to take ad- 
vantage of the honest impulses of the masses, and deceive 



32 helper's impending crisis DISSECTiD. 

and mislead them, tluit republics have ever fallen Lcfore 
the assaults of their enr-mies. In tl-.is v.ay have fondest 
hopes of mankind, time and again, been blasted; and it is 
in this way that the fairest fabric of human government 
ever vouchsafed to man, is now in danger of being de- 
stroyed. 

AVhat is the American Union ? Of what does it consist ? 
And on wliat is it based ? It is not the parchment on 
which the Constitution is written. It is not made up of 
any particular formula of words, and it cannot be pre- 
served by the power of the sword. The very life of the 
Uriion is in the hearts of the American jyeople. It is made 
up of mutual forbearance and mutual concession — of hon- 
est, heartfelt love and affection for a common country, and 
every portion thereof. And this affection cannot be main- 
tained without equal and exact justice to the whole coun- 
try, and to every citizen. Our brethren of the North 
must learn to attend to their own business, and refrain 
from crimination, and this ceaseless, insulting, maddening 
opprobrium, heaped upon the institutions, customs, habits, 
and prejudices of their neighbors, their brothers, and equal 
heirs to the blessings of our matchless government. 

Professions of devotion to the Union amount to no- 
thing when you show by your conduct that you are culti- 
vating feelings and principles which must lead to its de- 
struction. The "Republican" Convention, by a kind of 
solemn mockery, proclaim their devotion to the Union, 
whilst one of the most able leaders of that party, judging 



HKLPKR'S impending crisis DlSbECTilD. 33 

of others by liis own feelings, decliires that " there is 
really no union between the North and the South ; and he 
believed no two nations upon the earth entertained feel- 
ings of more bitter rancor toward each other, than these 
two sections of the Kepublic." 

Mr. Giddings, while in the House, reviled the institu- 
tions of fifteen States of this Union, trampled upon our 
habits, customs and prejudices, and insulted our people, 
and then turneil to our representatives there, and exclaim- 
ed, " You shall not dissolve this Union I" and threatened 
as with a halter if we attempted to withdraw. 

Senator AVilson, in the United States Senate, denounced 
the South, but nt the snme time, asserted that there is no 
•Janger of secession ; that the South could not be kicked 
<)ut of the Union. The same Senator, in a speech he made 
in the covention which nominated Fremont, proclaimed, as 
the motto of the party — " Freemen of the North have a 
right to govern the country." 

Twelve of the thirteen original States of the Union were 
elave States, or recognized the existence of slavery among 
them. ^Vhile the free States were in the minority, all was 
peace, concord and harmony, as fjir as this question was 
concerned. There was no complaint then of aggression on 
the one part or the other. 

We of the South have never attempted, in any way, to 
intrude our institutions upon the people of the North ; but, 
on the contrary, our statesmen had commenced, in good 
faith, considering as to the best method of loosening the 



34 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

fetters of the slave, and of finally effecting his emancipa- 
tion. But it Avas found impracticable to do so, for various 
reasons ■which y\e Avill speak of hereafter. 

The fact is, no sooner had the North obtained the ma- 
jority in the Confederacy, than the senseless and unholy 
agitation was commenced, -fthich has fastened the bonds of 
the slave so that, we will venture the assertion, they never 
will be loosened by peaceful means. 

You have agitated this vexed question to such an extent, 
that we tell you, candidly and honestly, you have brought 
our country to the very brink of ruin. You have nearly 
majority in both branches of Congress, the most of whom are 
the representatives of a sectional faction, standing on a 
sectional platform antagonistic to the institutions of the 
South. Having eighteen millions of citizens, while wo 
have but six millions of whites, with your prosperity and 
numbers, — for which you owe gratitude to the South, — you 
have, instead of being grateful, now become arrogant, over- 
bearing, and insulting. It is not the desire of the South 
to withdraw from the Union, if she can remain in it con- 
sistent with her own sense of right, justice, and diginity, 
and so long as the Union can be preserved inviolate of the 
spirit of harmony that brought it into being. But when 
she is to be deprived of her just rights, and her equality in 
the Union, then she is in favor of disunion. 

The monstrous doctrine is promulgated, that fifteen 
States of the Union are to be Avholly disregarded, and that 
the " freemen of the North have a right to govern this 



iielpi:r*s impendixg ci!I;^is dissected. 35 

country." Govern it, liow ? By cultivating sentiments 
of affection for every portion of our country ? Bv equal 
and just laws, and the rccoirnition of the perfect equality 
of all the States of the Union? Not at all! On the 
contrary, they propose to govern it by usurpation, and the 
power of numbers and the sword. 

Thoy propose, under the plausible cry of No more Slave 
States, to shut us out from those magnificent Territories 
acquired by the blood of our fathers, brothers, sires and kin- 
dred as well as by those of the North, unless we will abandon 
property which has descended to us, and institutions under 
which our fathers and we have lived and prospered. Now, 
we charge that the Republican party propose to seize 
upon the Federal Governuient, and reduce us to subjec- 
tion under their lash. They propose to maintain this 
Union just as the union between England and Ireland is 
maintained — just as Great Britain attempted to maintain 
the union between the Mother Country and her American 
Colonies. 

Conservative people of the North, we implore you to 
pause, and ask yourselves whether our government can be 
preserved in any such way. The Republican party says 
it can ; hence their cr}^ " The Federal Union, it must and 
shall be preserved." "Be preserved" for their own bene- 
fit, and not for the benefit of the whole country. We, of 
the South, love this Union, bought at so great a sacrifice, 
and we would deplore a severance of it as a great public 
calamity ; for in the language of President Buchanan, on 



36 helper's impexdixg ciiisis dissected. 

t 

the 22nd of February, 18G0, at the Inrm^uration of the 
Statue of "Wjishington, at Washington, D. C, "it -will 
teach the generations to come that man is inciipablo of 
self-government." But no matter how much wc would de- 
plore so great a disaster, we will never submit to repeated 
wrongs and injustice, and the drawing of so odious a dis- 
tinction between us and our brethren of the North. We 
will never submit to degradation. If 3'ou think so, tr}' the 
experiment; but if you do, it will be at your own hazard. 

A distinguished Northern man once said, " Let us not 
be deceived by the cry that the South is weak, and will 
not, therefore, risk a separation? Our fathers were less 
than three millions, and were apparently without resources. 
In the South are six millions of as gallant, high-spirited 
freemen as ever trod the green sod of our mother earth, 
vlth all the elements of a great nation. The North, it is 
true, ?J united in a war of aggression, is greatly her supe- 
rior in numbers and wealth. But if we are so lost to all 
sense of honor as to attempt it, we never could reduce the 
South to subjection to a government where she could not 
obtain justice. We might possibly stir up a servile war, 
desolate her now happy homes, and cause her cities to run 
rivers of blood. It might be possible for us to sweep her 
whole population from the earth ; but as long as one man 
was found alive, his arm would be raised to strike the in- 
vader, and an enlightened worhl would applaud the act." 

But if we could do so with perfect safety, will we ask 
our brethren to submit to any such degr;!.dation ? On every 



ITELPEll's IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 87 

battle-field of our country the men of the North and the 
men of the South have marched side by side, as brothers, 
to victory and glory. " They have poured their blood into 
one common stream, and locked in each others arms, they 
filled one common grave." And shall -sve now say to 
them, " We are holier than they ? Shall we stand up 
in the market-places, and thank God that we are not as 
these publicans and sinners? Are we purer than Wash- 
ington and Jefferson, Madison and Jackson, Calhou.i and 
Clay, all of whom were slaveholders, and lived in slave 
States ? And will we refuse to live under a government 
which recognizes them and their children as our equals ? 
Do we wish them to occupy toward us a position similar 
to that occupied by Ireland toward England ? I know 
your hearts too well to have any doubts as to the answer. 

Having treated at some length the Republican party, 
we now propose to consider the most prominent parts, as 
well as the fallacies of Helper's " Impending Crisis of the 
South." 



4 



CHAPTER II. 

statistical Fallacies of Helper's Book— The True State of tlie Case 
— Large Balance in favor of tlie South— The boasted Free Labor 
of the North ovorsliadowe.i by the Productions of the South- 
Report of the Secretary of tlie United States' Treasury — The Re- 
publican Party trying to Dissolve the Union of the States— The 
South in favor of Perpetuating tlie Union of these States as long 
as their rights are respected— R. ■publican Party a Sectional Party 
— The Proofs from Xortliern Men. 

We will now consider some of the statistical fallacies of 
Helper's book. Not only does this incendiary work 
abound with incentives to treason, massacre, and bloody 
revolution, but the statistics are fallacious, and evidently 
prepared for the purpose of deceiving the ignorant and 
fanatical portion of the community. The attentive and 
intelligent reader, who will take the trouble of exam- 
ining them closely, will easily detect their fallacy. By 
■way of showing the superior productiveness of the free 
States over the slave States, he compares the value of their 
respective cereals, and gives at page 22 of the Compen- 
dium the following results : 
(38) 



helper's impexdixg crisis dissected. 30 



CEKEALS. 

Free States $351,709,703 

Slave States SOU, 927,067 

In favor of the free States $44,782,036 

At page 37 the value of the other agricultural products 
of the North and South arc compared as follows : 

OTIIEK AGraCC'LTUKAI. rKODUCTS. 

Free States $214,422,523 

Slave States 155,223,415 

In favor of the free States $59,199,108 

The aggregate difference between all the agricultural 
products -of the South and North thus appear to be : 

TOTAL PKODUCTS. 

Free States -. $566,132,226 

Slave States ...462,150,482 

In favor of the free States $103,981,744 

Kow, the fallacy of this deduction will be made cleixr 
by turning to a table at page 71 of the Compendium, in 
■which the population of the free and slave States is com- 
pared : 

Knrthern population 13,434,922 

Soiathern population 9,612,979 

It will be thus seen that the Northern population is one 
and a half that of the Southern, and yet it docs not pro- 
duce one-fifth more. Accordinsr to the forcfroin": figures 



40 helper's IMl'KXDI>:ii CRISIS DISSECTED. 

the North ought to yield, in order to make its productions 
equal to the South, $645,682,722, as any school-boy can 
calculate by the rule of simple proportion thus: 

Soiithem Northern 

Population. Population. Answer. 

9,G12,979 : 13,434,022 : : $4G2,150,4S2 : $645,684,722 

The true state of the case, therefore, is: 

What they ought to produce $645,685,722 

What the free States do produce 566,132,226 



Against the free States and in favor of slave $39,452,596 

Again, if we take the proportion of population to the 
square mile, the figures will be still more in favor of the 
South. According to one of the tables quoted in Helper's 
Compendium, (at page 71,) the population of the South is 
only 11.29 the square mile, whereas the population of the 
North is 21.91. By the rule of proportion, the result on 
this basis ought to be : 

Pop. Sq. M. Fop. Sq. JA Ansirer. 

11.29 : 21.91 : : $462,150,482 : $898,469,181 

Now let us subtract what the North actually produces 
from what it ought to produce on this basis, as follows : 

What it ought to produce $898,469,182 

What it actually produc-il 566,132,226 

Against the free States $332,336,956 

It will be thus seen, according to Helper's own figures, 
that there is a balance of §oo2, 336,956 against the free 



IIi;i,Pi;u'.S IMl'KXDLMl CRISIS DISSECT KD. 41 

States, and in favor of the slave, instead of $103,981,744 
to the eredit of the Northern States, as the dishonest 
writer pretends. If we add these two amounts togetiier, 
tiie result will show that he lies for abolition to the trifling 
sum of $430,318,700 — four hundred and thirty-six mil- 
lions, three hundred and eighteen thousand, seven hundred 
doUai'S ? 

Such is a specimen of his statistics, on which as little 
reliance is to be placed as on his other facts and arguments 
against the South. The book is a tissue of falsehoods 
worthy of the bad cause for which it is written, and its 
endorsement is a disgrace to all who have given it the 
sanction of their names. 

The ingenuity of man never devised a more effectual or 
plausible mode of deceiving and misleading the Imman un- 
derstanding, than a shrewd arrangement of figures. By 
this device, Helper has, by an assumed fairness in forming 
statistical tables, been able to render his book plausible to 
many persons who are too apt, in most matters, to take 
whatever is presented to their understanding in the shape of 
figures, as so ; — believing it to be a work of too much labor 
for figures to lie. 

The analysis, however, of Helper's figures, shows a 

studied and wanton misrepresentation of important facts. 

In one table he arranges the respective products of the 

North and South, and very clearly, as he asserts, showa 

that white labor is much more productive than slave labor. 

It is due to the superior ingenuity and skill of the white 
4* V 



42 helper's impexding crisis dissected. 

man over the dull and torpid African to admit that fact ; 
but we deny that Helper has honestly shown it ; upon the 
contrary we show that, by a fair comparison of the num- 
ber of inhabitants to the square mile, the South produces 
much more than the North. 

We are aware that prejudice has much to do with warp- 
incr a man's iudfrment, and blinding; his understandino; ; 
but we cannot reconcile it with a true spirit of patriotism, 
or high-toned sense of honor, when the emanations of that 
prejudice are attempted to be palmed off upon the public 
as historical facts. We will not allow the bias of our pre- 
judices to claim (notwithstanding the facts would warrant 
us in doing so) that slave labor is more productive than 
white, but we claim that it is better adapted to the corn, 
cotton, sugar and rice fields than white labor, for the 
reason that the system of management suits better, and 
their peculiar nature is better suited to the climate where 
those products are most abundantly grown. 

No man but a bigot would deny but there are some men 
nmong the large number of producers at the South who 
calculate and investigate as to the most expeditious and 
eifectual mode of accumulating wealth, — they experiment, 
and institute a rigid comparison of the respective produc- 
tiveness of slave and white labor, and, doubtless, if their 
practice had proven that the latter was the most remuner- 
ative, they would have adhered to it. 

With such manifest unfairness, as the analysis of the 
statistics which wo have here given shows, it would war- 



helper's impending cpjsis dissected. 43 

rant the suspicion and belief that tliis '•Helper Book," 
like most of the arL:;uineuts of the leading "E\ack Repub- 
licans," is a mere cunningly devised compilation of spirited 
extracts from sundry speeches, messages, etc., of prominent 
men, and forced statistics, gotten up designedly to inflame 
jvnd mislead the Northern masses. 

The exportable products of the fifteen Slave States 
amount annually to $270,000,000 exclusive of gold and 
foreign merchandise re-exported; and their annual demand 
for the productions of other countries is about $225, 
000,000. There are 80,000 cotton plantations in the 
South, and the aggregate value of their annual products 
is $128,000,000. There are 10,000 tobacco plantations, 
and their annual products amount to $15,000,000. There 
are 2,600 sugar plantations, the products of which average 
annually $13,000,000. There are 700 rice plantations, 
•which yield annually a revenue of $0,000,000. Bread- 
Ptuffs and provisions yield $78,000,000 ; the products of 
the forest amount to $10,7000,000; manufactures yield 
$31,000,000; and the products of the sea yield $3,356,000; 
exclusive of 830,000,000 we send to the North ! 

These facts and figures rest mostly upon the authority 
of the Sonthern Cultivator, De Boio's Eeview, and the 
speeches in Congress of Senator Hammond, and Hon. L. 
M. Keitt, M.C. of South Carolina. But avc are happy to 
find them sustained by the Secretary of the Treasury, in 
a late Report ; and laid before Congress by " His Ex- 
cellency President Buchanan," and by him endorsed. 



44 helper's IMPEXDfNG CRISIS DISSECTED. 

The Secretary of the Treasury, in a late Report, sets 
do^v^ the exportation of domestic produce, exclusive of 
specie, at $266,438,051. Of this amount, cotton, which 
is exclusively from the South, furnishes $128,382,351 ; to- 
bacco gives $12,221,843, and rice yields $2,390,233,— 
both of which, also, are exclusively Southern ; breadstuffs 
and provisions are estimated at $77,686,455 ; products of 
the forest at $10,694,184; ^f manuflictures at $30,970,992 ; 
of the sea at $3,356,797. Now take $128,382,351 for the 
value of cotton, and $12,221,843 for tobacco, and $2, 
390,233 for rice, which are exclusively Southern staples, 
and we have tlie sura of $142,90-1,427, which the South 
contributes to the cxportations of the country, in these 
staple products, Avhich, in the Union, are only raised within 
her limits. But her contribution does not stop here. Of 
the $77,686,455 furnislied by breadstuffs and provisions, 
she contributed at least $25,000,000; of the products of 
the forest, in the shape of luml)cr, etc., she contributed 
about $5,000,000, or one-half of the exportation. Then 
$30,000,000, added to the $142,994,427, which we have 
j.lready shown was furnished by cotton, tobacco and rice, 
make up $172,994,427, out of the $266,438,051, to which 
tlie whole domestic exportation amounts. This would leave 
$93,443,051 for the domestic exportation from all the free 
States. But this is more than they are entitled to. Of 
the 30,970,992 contributed by domestic manufactures, at 
least $10,000,000 is the value of the raw material not 
grown at the North. This leaves only $83,442,624 as the 



helper's impending cnisis dissected. 45 

contribution of the free States, against §172,994,427, as 
the contribution of the Southern or slave States, to the 
domestic exportation of the coiintry. 

Where is Mr. Helper, and his boasted free labor of the 
North? Eclio answers, — -Where? Seeing this, well may 
the South exclaim, " QutB regie interiis nostri non plena 
laboris." 

The following we quote from The Constitution, Dec. 7, 
which speaks for itself: 

" V\''e Know of no subject of greater interest to the public, 
and especially to the statesman, than the information that 
will soon be laid before the country by the proper depart- 
.ment of the Government, embracing the imports and 
exports for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1859. At all 
times important, it is doubly so at the present, on account 
of the commercial revulsion through which we have passed, 
besides the reliable facts presented in connection with our 
modified tariff laws which went into operation July 1st, 
1857. Our trade, as exhibited by the imports and exports, 
has been highly satisfactory to all interests, and added 
another demonstration of the wisdom of that time-honored 
democratic policy Avhich inculcates the least possible 
burdens of taxation consistent w.tih an economical adminis- 
tration of the General Government. But it is not in 
reference to this branch of the subject that we propose at 
this time to dilate. AVe have another object, and one 
which we trust will be appreciated by all imbued with the 
spirit of- that Constitution which was ordained and estab- 



46 HELPER S IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 

lished ' in order to form a more perfect Union, establish 
justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the 
common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure 
the blessings of liberty' to its framers and their posterity. 
All those appeals whicli have heretofore admonished us — 
the patriots of the Revolution, the common suffering of 
our ancestors, our common toils and dangers, our common 
blessings and victories, the tombs of our statesm.en and 
■warriors, Mount Vernon, the Hermitage, and Ashland — 
all seem to have lost their power, and v,e arc drifting to 
some unknown catastrophe, pregnant with every thing but 
safety. 

"In view of these considerations, we have thought it 
not inappropriate to give the exports for the last fiscal 
year, as furnished by the different sections of the Re- 
public, in the hope that our common interest, so signally 
displayed by these figures, will arrest that aggressive spirit 
which is hastening all to one undistins-uished ruin. 

" The exports of the last fiscal year, embracing specie 
and American produce, amounted to $335,894,385; in 
addition to which we also exporteil sometliing over twenty 
millions of foreign produce, making all of our exports 
above $356,000,000, and exceeding our imports for tlie 
same period a fraction over $18,000,000. 

The specie and American produce exported wore $335,894,385 

Specie 57,502,305 



The amount of produce consequently exported was ... 278,392 080 
"We propose to classify the amoimt furnished by each 



IIELPEPw'S IMPENDING CP.ISIS DISSECTED. 47 

section :is far as possible, by giving the amount furnished 
exclusively by the free States, the amount furnished by 
both the free and slave States, (it is impossible to separate 
and designate the respective amount furnished by each.) 
and the amount furnished exclusively by the slave States. 

Free States exclusively — 
Fisheries — embracing spermaceti and wliale oils, dried 

and salt fish 84,462,974 

Coal 653,536 

Ice 164,581 

Total free States $5,281,091 

Free and slave States — 

Products of the forest — embracing staves and Lead- 
ings, shingles, boards, plank, and scantling, hewu 
timber, other timber, oak bark and other dye, al 
manufactures of wood, ashes, ginseng, skins, ant 

furs 12,09y,967 

Product of agriculture — 

Of animals — beef tallow, liides, horned cattle, butter, 
cheese, pork, liams and bacon, lard, wool, hogs, 

horses, mules, and sheep 15,549,817 

Vegetable food — 

Wheat, flour, Indian corn, Indian meal, rye meal, rye, 
oats, and other small grain, and pulse, biscuit or 

shop bread, potatoes, apples, aud onions 22,437,578 

Manufactures — 

Refined sugar, wax, chocolate, spirits from grain, do. 
molasses, do. other materials, vinegar, beer, ale, 
porter and cider in casks and bottles, linseed oil, 
household furniture, carriages and parts, railroad 
cars and parts, hats of furs and silk, do. palm leaf, 
saddlery, trunks and valises, adamantine and other 
candles, soap, snuff, tobacco manufactured, gun- 
powder, leather, boots and shoes, cables and Cordage, 
salt, lead, iron, pig, bai", nails, castings, and all 
manufactures of, copper, brass, and manufactures of, 
drugs anvl ii\edicines, cotton piece goods, jiriiited or 



48 iiELPEu'ri i.mpx::n"dix(i cuisl? dissected. 

colored, white otlier than cluck, duck aud all manu- 
factures of, lienip, thread, bags, cloth, and otlier 
manufactures of, wearing apparel, earthen and stone 
ware, combs and buttons, brooms and brushes of 
all kinds, billiard tabbjs and apparatus, umbrellas, 
parasols and sunshades, morocco and other leather 
not sold by the pound, fire-engines, printing presses 
and type, musical instruments, books and maps, 
paper and stationery, paints aud varnish, jewelry, 
other manufactures of gold and silver, glass, tin, 
pewter, and lead, marble and stone, bricks, lime, 
and cement, India-rubber shoes and manufactures, 

lard oils, oil cake, artiiicial flowers $30,197,274 

Articles not enuineiated, manuf.ictured 2,274,(552 

Raw produce 1, SIS, 205 

Total, free and slave States $84,417,493 

Slave States, exclusively — 

Cotton 161,434,923 

Tobacco 21,074.038 

Kosin and turpentine 3,554,416 

Rice 2,207,148 

Tar and pitch ; 141,058 

Brown sugar 190,935 

Molasses 75,699 

Hemp 9,279 

Total, slave States $1SS, 693,496 

KECArrrrLATiox. 

Free States, exclusively 5,281,091 

Free and slave States 84,417,493 

Slave States, exclusively 188,693,496 

Total $278,392,080 

"If any one will take tlie trouble to analyze the articles 
embraced in the amount of $84,417,493, belonging alike 
to the labor of the free and slave States, he will find that 
at least one-third is as justly the products of slave labor. 



lIKLrF.n'S IMPKXDINa CRISIS DISSECTED. 49 

We have, therefore, the fact that out of $278,892,080 of 
exports of domestic industry, over $200,000,000 of iWiSi 
sum is furnished by those States known as slave States."; '^ 

We will now point out the folly of a comparip.on made 
by Helper between the northern hay and 'the southern 
cotton crops — of course disparaging to the latter. We 
■^vill show that he grossly misrepresents the Census state- 
rnent of 1850 ; and also show, that, even had his quota- 
tions been correct^ the inferences he drew from the facts 
•were perfectly ri^Uculous. Helper tells the public that the 
h:iy crop -of 1850 was worth sixty-four millions of dollars 
more than the cotton crop of that year, or about twice the 
value of tUe latter. Now, Helper did not consider that 
the South, after supporting itself, sent away a large part 
■of its cotton, for which the country — North as largely as 
the South — received a handsome return in desirable for- 
■eign products. He did not — of course he could not — show 
any export of hay to foreign ports. So that, one of three 
things, as regards the uses of this hay crop, is true : either 
the hay \va,a coijisumed at home, toward the support of 
Northerners:; or was shipped to the South ; or was converted 
into beef and cattl(^ for shipment to the South or to for 
eign countries. 

If consumed at home, it cannot be allowed to make a 
figure in such a statement, for the Northerners, while con- 
suming it, were doing no more than the Southerners 
"n'hile consuming their own products. When consumed, 
that was an end of it, just in the way an end was put to 



50 helper's IMl'EXDING ClIISIS DISSECTED. 

the hog and lioniiny raised and consumed on the planta- 
tions of the South. If sent to the South, whether in the 
shape of hay or beef, the fact may be easily offset by the 
shipments to the Nortli of cotton, rice and tobacco. If 
shipped abroad, the comparison is a just one. It is per- 
fectly fair to compare the value of the hay shipped abroad 
Avith the cotton shipped abroad, because that is comparing 
surpluses with surpluses, or what each section has to spare 
after subsisting itself. Well, in 1852, the South sent 
away of cotton $112,000,000; the same year the North 
and South sent away $0,000,000 worth of " provisions," 
including as well the hug product as the cattle product. 
In 1859, the South sent away in cotton $101,000,000 ; 
while the North and the South sent away fifteen millions 
of "provisions." This is the correct way of making the 
comparison. If one desired to show the comparative 
thriftiness of two merchants, he would compare their net 
earnings at the" end of the year. He would not compare 
their gross earnings ; since though it might be true th;it 
the gross earnings of one of them were much larger than 
those of the other, it might be true also that the expenses 
of the business, and of supporting its conductor had en- 
tirely absorbed those larger earnings, while the smaller 
could show a handsome balance after deducting all ex- 
penses. 

We now proceed to another batch of Helper's statistics. 
His assumption is, that the average value of land in the 
Sfliith now is 155.34 pev acre, "Emancipate yoi}r slaveg 



IIKLPKIl'S LMrEXDING CRISIS DISSECTED, 51 

on "Wednesday mornin^j, and on Thursday following tbo 
value of lands will have increased to an average of $28.07 
per acre." Here is the table: 

Estimated value of slavpholders' lands, after slavery 

shall have been abolished $4,85G,7S3,GSO 

Present value of slaveholders' lands 023,248,100 

Probable aggregate enhancement of value $3,933,535,520 

Having thus figured out or " maiked up" the value of 
Southern lands, he presents another of his precious tables 
as follows : 

Net increase o( value wliich it is estimated Trill ac- 
crue to slaveholders in consequence of the aboli- 
tion of slavery $3,933,535,520 

Putative value of slaves 1, GOO, 000, 000 

Slareholders' estimated net landed profits of emanci- 
pation $2,333,535,520 

Yes, set the slaves free on "Wednesday niglit, and you 
•will suddenly find yourselves next morning, at daylight, 
about five times richer than you were when you went to 
bed the night before. We need say nothing to expose the 
folly and stupidity of sucb a representation. It is a gross 
caricature of the whole learning of statistics. 

Possibly, after sharing the experience of Jamaica, lands 
might rise in one hundred years, or say the lifetime of 
three generations, to the value he fixes on them. The 
present slaveholders or their descendants would not feel 
the rise, we may be pretty sure. But this consideration 
aside, let us see how the account would really stand, allow- 



52 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

ing free swing to Helper's emancipation scheme. Here 
lire our statistics, ami \\c think they are quite good 
enough fur the occasion : 

Is'ct value of land (100 years hencej presuming 

Helper's rise $2,333,535,220 

Exports of cotton this year, say $200,000,000, would 

give for 100 years 20,000,000,000 

Dead loss to the South $17,666,464,780 

Now look at Ilelfjcr's figures, and then at ours. Is not 
the contrast an awful one for a nervous man's contempla- 
tion ? Over seventeen billions of hard dollars lost in con- 
sequence of heeding Helper ! Nor is this the whole loss, 
for we have made no account of the rice, tobacco and na- 
val stores exported from the South. But perhaps some 
Uelperite, with due gravity, will object that we do not 
allow the South to export any thing after emancipation. 
The above calculation does not ; and probably the Soutli 
would have but little to export for a long while after such 
a catastrophe. But supposing the South in her altered 
state to export the same amount the North now does, wo 
may take off one-third of the seventeen billions, and then 
be liberal to the other side. That deducted, the dead loss 
of the South would be 07ili/ about twelve billions. We by 
no means desire to have it understood that we present our 
table as a specimen of the way in which statistics ouglit 
to be used. But as showing up the Helperian style of 
reaching results, and as a fair offset to his arithmetic, they 
answer our present purpose. 



HELPER S IMPENDING CKISIS DISSECTED. 53 

We have exposed the worthlessness of this publication m 
reference to the chaim set up for it bj its friends, that it 
is statistically valuable. Even Mr. Seward could brine 
himself to pronounce such a judgment uj)()n it. 

'We might prolong our review Avith many reflections 
which these facts awaken. Vv^e miglit point to other facts 
connected with the subject to show the interested depend- 
ence of one section upon another, apart from the produce 
which each sends abroad. We might at some length and 
with some feeling portray the folly of continuing our dis- 
sensions and discords, as sections of this great Republic. 
But we forbear. We submit these figures and facts for 
those who think and are governed by reason, no matter 
where their lot has been cast, whether North or South, 
East or West. 

Says Helper on the 16th page of the Compendium : — 

" Too long have we yielded a submissive obedience to the 
tyrannical domination of an inflated oligarchy; too lon<T 
have we tolerated their arrogance and self-conceit ; too 
long have we submitted to their unjust and savage exac- 
tions. Let us now wrest from them the sceptre of power, 
establish liberty and equal rights throughout the land, and 
henceforth and forever guard our legislative halls from the 
pollutions and usurpations of pro-slavery demagogues." 

Will any true-hearted American own sympath}'- with 

such sentiments, or countenance, encourage and support 

the designs here avowed? Will not honest Kepublicans 

pause and reflect upon the fearful tendency of this spirit 

5* 



rA IIELI'IIR'S IMPENDING CllISIS DISSECTED. 

of sectionalism, and their duty as patriots and Christians, 
to aid in arresting it ere it be too late — ere the Union is 
overthrown, and the light of xVmerican liberty is extin- 
iruislied in blood and carnno-e, with the torch of civil war 
as our only beacon upon the dark sea of anarchy and 
ruin ? 

But, alas ! we fear we are deceived as to the honesty of 
Republicans: their rainds have become inflated against us, 
wrought so by the treasonable teachings of their " leader's." 

Can the North point out a single tyrannical act that the 
South has ever been guilty of? If you can, we are will- 
ing to acknowledge and confess it. Mr. Helper makes 
the assertion, but does not state how we have been " tyran- 
nical 

Republican factions at the North (for we have good 
reason to thank God that they do not exist South,) say 
that the "Democratic party" is a ''slave-democracy." If 
it be a " slave-democracy" because it is a national and con- 
servative party, recognizing the South as having as many 
rights in the Union as the North, then the Northern peo- 
ple are to blame themselves, if they have " yielded a sub- 
missive obedience to the tyrannical domination of an 
inflated oligarchy," because they have by their votes sus- 
tained it. By Mr. Helper's own argument he shows that 
the Republican party is sectional. We know that the 
Democratic party is charged by the Republicans as being 
Bectional. Now we will see which is the sectional and 
which is the national party ; and, in doing so, wc cannot do 



in:LPEll S IMPKNDINU CRISIS DISSECTKD. i>0 

better than quote an extract from a speech of the lion. 
Horatio G. Seymore of New York, delivered on the 24th 
day of August, 1850, at St, Paul's, Minnesota, a man ^vho 
has always distinguished himself by his patriotism, kc. 

Said Mr. Seymore — "You have seen the great men of 
this llepublican party go up to their National Conventions. 
When the roll of the States was called, there was no man 
to answer for the State where Jackson's ashes lie — there 
■Nvas no man to respond when the land of Sumpter and Ma- 
rion was called. (Applause.) But how will it be when our 
next Democratic Convention is held ? Y"ou Avill see there 
no such spectacle as this. "When v,e call the roll of States 
■which compose this confederacy, every commonwealth, 
from Maine down to young Minnesota, and still younger 
Oregon, will attest the nationality of our party by the 
presence of its representatives." (Cheers.) 

Now, if the Democratic party have had to undergo some 
defeats, it is not because it was " sectional," but it has been 
in consequence of some mere local issue or fanaticism ; for, 
when it triumphed over the llepublican party in 1856, 
•when that party made its first issue before the country, 
the Democratic party triumphed over its opponents and do- 
mestic traitors (Republicans) on sound constitutional prin- 
ciples. 

Democracy possesses a vitality, a spirit of coherence 
which nothing can destroy. Stricken down in one place, 
it rises in another, and gathers, from the very circum- 
stances of its defeat, new elements of vigor and success. 



66 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

The reason of this is, it is a national constitutional party, 
and its members always think more of principles than of 
men. 

Founded on the Constitution, it enters the contest with 
doctrines and principles the essence of truth, and Avhich 
never fail to commend themselves in the end to the accept- 
ance and approval of the people. 



CHAPTER III, 



re- 



Helper's Slanders on the Non-Slaveholding people of the South 
fated— Better chance in the South for a poor man than in the 
North — The proofs— Names of prominent Statesmen of the South 
•R-ho have risen from poverty to the highest eminence— the Ne- 
gro well treated in the South — Richly repaid for his Labor — Com- 
parisons between the poor Whites of the North and the Negro of 
the South — The Strike of the poor Whites in Massachusetts — 
They admit that they are worse off than the Slaves in the South. 

"In the South, unfortunately, no kind of Lahor is either 
free or respectable. Every white man who is under the 
necessity of earning his bread by the sweat of his brow, 
or by manual labor in any capacity, no matter how un- 
assuming in deportment or exemplary in morals, is treated 
as if he were a loathsome beast, and shunned with disdain. 
His soul may be the very seat of honor and integrity; 
yet, without slaves, — himself a slave, — he is accounted as 
nobody, and would be deemed intolerably presumptuous 
if he dared to open his mouth, even so wide as to give 
faint utterance to a three-lettered monosyllable, like yea 
or nay, in the presence of an august knight of the whip 
and the lash." — Page 23. 

There probably was never so gross a compilation of 

falsehoods so wantonly forced together as the foregoing 

extract embraces. It is these miserable exaggerations 

(57) 



CS HELPKU'rf I.Ml'K.NDI.NG C'KISIS DISSECTED. 

and misrepresentations of the S(icial relations of the Anglo- 
Saxons of the South whicli canker the minds and feelings 
of the Northern n\asses. There is no place on earth w hero 
the industrious, entcrpi-ising, and upright poor man — no 
matter what his calling — is more cordially aided and abet- 
ted in all his honorable undertakings than in the South, 
or slave-holding States. Why, it is honestly — •when not 
suppressed by party prejudices — a Northern ])roverb, and 
a standing instruction to the poor, but enterprising young 
Northerner, " Go you to the sunny South, and there, 
amongst the generous nnd warm-hearted Southerners, 
work your Avay to fortune and fame." The liberal aid 
which has been so frerjuently, freely, and unsuspectingly 
extended to the numberless hordes of Northern peda- 
gogues, tin pedlers, pill vendors, etc., and which has often 
resulted in begetting them opulence and fame, has been 
most ungratefully received, and the success of their re- 
cipients attributed to the superior energy, talents, and en- 
terprise of the Northerner over the Southerner. It is 
most lamentably true that the South thus, in many instan- 
ces, warms in its genial bosom the malignant viper that 
strikes its poisonous sting to her vitals. The demagogue 
or the villain always taxes his ingenuit}' in manufacturing 
that species of specious argument which he thinks best 
calculated to induce those whom he designs to operate 
upon to think, feel, and act as he does. Such is the base 
resort of the abolitionist, and the meaner jealous opponent 
of African slavery. They attempt to fire the feelings of 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 59 

the laboring class by appeals to their pride and personal 
independence ; ignoring that natural sequence, that tlio 
ordinary mutations of life furnish in every location and 
latitude of this free country, daily evidences of the rich 
man becoming poor, and the poor man becoming rich; of 
the humble man mounting the ladder of fame, and he that 
■was up, by the process of natural law passing down. 
Fame and fortune, intelligence and ignorance, are not 
governed in the slightest degree by the institution of Af- 
rican slavery : they seem to be the handiwork of another 
and superior power ; or, if controlled solely by human 
agency, can be accounted for on quite different hypotheses. 
A comparative statement would show quite as many men of 
wealth, quite as many, too, going up and down the scale of 
fortune, quite as many enjoying fame, and they, too, passing 
up and down the elevator of circumstances, which contribute 
to put men in and out of power and place, at the South as 
there are at the North, and these mutations are not confined 
to any class or condition in life. The man of tvill works 
out his own position, and would no more, though poor, stand 
the lash of the arrogant Southerner, than he would the lock 
and key of the manufacturing nabob of the North. 

The Northern tyrant, as he lords it over the poor 
white laborer, tasks him to the utmost of his physical 
capacity, requiring him to march to the task indicated for 
him with the precision of time ; shrewdly names his im- 
perious exactions " DISCIPLINE ;" while the Southern 
disciplinarian is uncharitably denounced as being an arro- 



CO helper's impending culsis di.ssectkd. 

gant, dogmatical, exacting " knight of the vhip and the 
lash." Those invidious misnomers are the offspring of 
malignant minds, seeking to stir up strife and discord, 
creating imaginary distinctions; and, by the envy it in- 
spires, produces serious breaches in otherwise more united 
communities. 

There are many distinguished instances of the poor 
man, the mechanic, men of various vocations in life, •\vho 
"earned their bread by the sweat of their brow" at the 
South, Avho have acquired wealth, high respectabilit3% and 
wide-spread fame, as liberal and enlightened statesmen. 
We will take the liberty of givins the names of some of 
these living instances : — Ilonorables Messrs. Johnson, 
" Jimmie Jones," G. Yi. Jones, and Staunton of Tennes- 
see, Staunton of Kentucky, Governors Letcher and 
McMullin of Virginia, Orr and Ashmore of South Caro- 
lina, Stephens, and Brown Governor of Georgia. The 
first of this galaxy of great and talented men in the 
South who have risen from the humble to the higher 
walks of life, and who is as much respected as any gentle- 
man in our land, was in early life a tailor by trade, (his 
sign still hangs over his old shop door in the town where 
he lives, in Tennessee,) and, withal, the people of that 
Southern State respect him enough to honor him with a 
Beat in the United States Senate. "Jimmie Jones" was a 
blacksmith, and his stalwart blows were honored with high 
State and National positions. Geo. AV. Jones is a saddler 
by trade; the Stauntons are bricklayers; Letcher a house 



jiklpek's impending crisis dissected. 61 

carpenter ; McMiiIlcn was a wagoner ; Stephens was physi- 
cally incapable of labor, but was poor, and had to work his 
way to position as best he could. The present Governor 
of Georgia was of very obscure origin. Orr was poor, and 
Ashmore was unlearned and penniless, until by the dint 
of his own labor he acquired means and education. The 
commanding talents and honored positions of the gentle- 
men above named are well known to every intelligent 
reader in the United States ; and they are native South- 
erners, poor boys, laboring men, yet honored ! Is this 
truth or fiction, Mr. Helper? How do those living facts 
comport with your malicious slanders, " that no kind of 
labor is either free or respected at the South" ? 

The traitor is generally hired to perform his treason, 
consequently but little respect is ever paid to his acts, 
and they are never based upon sound principle. Helper's 
statistics are shown to be false, and his reasoning, — and 
that also of his entire abolition cohorts, — is fallacious ; 
they first assert that the poor man, the laboring man, the 
mechanic, at the South, is not respected, is not allowed 
the privilege of expressing a monosyllable in the presence 
of one of the "knights of the lash and the whip." Per 
contrary, they assert that slavery begets arrogance, indo- 
lence, degeneracy, and want of enterprise upon the part 
of the slaveholder, and he consequently loses his wealth 
and self-respect,' and that the enterprising laboring man 
soon supplants him. Now, the truth is, these assertions 
are all manufactured for hellish purposes — to array class 



I 

62 helper's IMPEXDIXG CRISIS DISSrCTr.D, 

against class at the South, and, at the North, to excite a 
false and uncalled for sympathy for the lahoring -whites at 
the South, and to engender hatred towards the slave own 
era. We shall never degrade the white man, by any parity 
of reasoning, to social or political equality with the negro, 
• — but there are practical questions which involve the 
means of temporal existence and happiness, where we think 
a comparison of the condition of the races may be intro- 
duced happily, to quiet the nervous anxiety of many about 
the condition of the poor negro. At the South, the negro 
is richly rewarded for his labor, by being most abundantly 
provided for with clothing, food, nursing when sick, for him 
self and family, — this, too, without racking care and cease ■ 
less anxiety ; as evidenced by the poor white man, whose 
daily and even nightly labors frequently are inadequate 
to secure honestly the necessaries of life for himself and 
family ; in proof of which, Ave submit the ackno^^ledgment 
of the Lynn strikers. 

THE STRIKE AT LYNN. 

From the Bost.ni Trmelcr, Feb. 23. 

Most of the company, during the time intervening be- 
tween the hour at v.-hich they began to assemble and that 
at which they were to co-operate in a demonstration, di- 
vided up in little knots, and engaged in conversation with 
each other, instead of occupying themselves with more ir- 
regular proceedings. Some of these conversations merged 
into discussions, and oftentimes became quite exciting, at- 



helper's impending ckisis dissectkd. G3 

tracting the attention of such outsiders as couhl not help 
overhearing them. 

Among the crowd I noticed two intelligent shoemakers, 
who were deep in argument, pro and con, on a question 
relating to the merits of the case, and had attracted several 
hundred people to hear their discussion. 

"What is the use," said one of them, who seemed to 
take an interest in politics, " of our making such a fuss 
about the slaves of the Soutii ? I tell you, we are almost 
as much oppressed as they are. In fact, in one sense wo 
are worse oppressed, for they don't work so many hours 
in a week as we do, and the}'- get a living, while most of 
US couliln't live, with our families, if we couldn't get trust- 
ed for necessaries cf life, which we never expect to be able 
to pay for at this rate." 

Ilis opponent seemed to hesitate, and a bystander put 
in, " We are worse treated than the slaves of the South, 
in every sense, so far as I can see." 

" Yes," said the first speaker, "I don't know but v.'e 
are." 

The second party to the controversy now spoke up with 
Some earnestness: — "You know, gentlemen, we are not a, 
quarter as bad off as the slaves of the South, though we 

are, by our foolishness, ten times as bad off as we 

ought to be. They can't vote, nor complain, and we can. 
And, then, just think of it. The slaves can't hold mass 
meetings, nor 'strike,' and we hav'n't lost that privile^fc 
yet, thank the Ijoi-'I !" (Loud cheers.) 



64 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

First Speahcr. — That's so ; but v/hat']l those privileges 
amount to, if thc}^ come to nothing? You see, gentlemen, 
the only superiority of our condition over that of Southern 
slaves is, Ave have got to manufacture ourselves out of this 
strike. (Cheers.) Shall v<q fail, or shall we assert our 
superiority over Southern niggers? (Prolonged cheers — 
cries of "We'll never fail — We'll starve to death first." ) 

Another conversation between a "boss" and two of his 
employees, among the strikers, was more laconic and less 
respectful — 

Boss — " Good morning, gentlemen." 

First Jour. — " Good morning, sir. I guess you begin 
to think we are in earnest?" 

Second Jour. — " How are ye ? Wall, don't you think 
the bosses '11 have to knock under (excitedly), and use us 
decent?" 

Boss — " Hav'n't I always used you decent ?" 

First Jour. — " Do you think $250 enough for a man 
with a family to live on ?" 

Second Jour. — " No, you know you hav'n't used us de- 
cent, and we'll show you how to do it, too !" 

Boss — "I have always paid all I could afford to." 

Second Jour. — "You hav'n't." 

5o.<?s—" I have." 

Second Jour. — " You lie, and you know it.' 

Boss — It's no use trying to argue with a fool !" (Exit.) 

Second Jour, (somewhat maliciously) — "We'll show you 



helper's IJirENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 65 

wliose's a fool and wlio ain't, before vre get through ^Yith 
it." 

Would it be proper or right, would it be in good taste 
or generous sentiment, for the people of the South to ad- 
vise this conflict of action between the labor and capitai 
of the North ? Would it be philanthropic or Christian-like 
in them to stimulate the wliite employees to plunder and 
murder their employers ? 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Hypocrisy of Helper — In favor of Slavery in Lis work issued 
1855— Driven from the South for stealing three hundred dollars 
— Writes " Helper's Impending Crisis of the South" — Helper 
denouuces free negroes in his "Land of Gold" — Valuable statis- 
tical information in regard to the power and wealth of the South 
— Seaports of the South — Shore line of States on the Atlantic 
Ocean in favor of the South, of eighteen thousand miles more 
than the North — Tlie power of the South to establish and main- 
tain a separate and independent government against the United 
North combined — The military strength of the South estimated 
at six million whites — Her immense resources in case of war. 

" Two hundred and thirty-nine vears have the neffroes 
in America been held in inhuman bondage. During the 
■whole of this long period they have toiled unceasingly, 
from the gray of dawn till the dusk of eve, for their 
cruel taskmasters, who have rewarded them with scanty 
allowances of the most inferior qualities of victuals and 
clothes, with heartless separations of the tcnderest ties of 
kindred, with epithets, with scoldings, with execrations, 
and with the lash — and, not unfrequently, with the fatal 
bludgeon or the more deadly weapon." (Page 87, Comp.) 

It is very strange indeed, that after the lapse of only 

six years, Mr. Helper's mind should take so great a 

change. We intend to show that Mr, Helper, when 

making use of the above language, contradicts what he 

(06) 



helper's impending crisis dissected. G7 

said in a book published in 1855. It is very strange tli;it 
Mr. Helper would make use of the follo\ving, Avhich ho 
published in a book entitled "The Land of Gold," pub- 
lished, as I have before stated, in the year 1855, at 
Baltimore, " by Henry Taylor, Sun Iron Building." 

On pages 275-6-7-8-9, about the middle of page 275, 
near the top of the page, the writer says thus : — " There 
are comparatively few negroes in this pew State (Cali- 
fornia). Most of those who are found here, have emigrated 
_from the Northern and Eastern States in the capacity of 
cooks and stewards of vessels. They are in the same 
situation as their brethren in New York and Massachu- 
setts, slaves to no single individual, hit to the entire com- 
onunity. Like free negroes everywhere else, they in- 
habit the worst parts of the towns in California, and live 
commonly in characteristic filth and degradation. There 
are a few blacks from the South, and these have been 
brought out here as slaves. It is true that on their arrival 
here, they have the power of claiming their freedom; hut 
such is their attachment to their masters^ that this is rarely 
done. Instances have occurred in which they have been 
enticed away by meddling abolitionists ; but, disgusted 
•with a freedom which was of no value to them, they have 
been eager to return again to their masters. Several 
cases of this kind have come under my own observation. 

" I was personally acquainted with a New Orleans sea- 
captain and shipowner, who had a very likely negro man 
named Joe. This slave had acted as his special servant 



G8 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

for many years, and had made two or three voyages with 
him between Shanghai and San Francisco. Ilis conduct 
Avas entirely unohjectionable, and his duties were always 
promptly and efficiently discharged. Indeed, the captain 
informed me that, though he had reared Joe, he never had 
occasion to whip him for any offense. Others had ob- 
served the admirable traits of the negro, and several 
persons had attempted to bu}' him, offering extraordinary 
prices; but his master, having the highest appreciation of 
his qualities and a strong personal attachment for him^ 
positively refused to part with him on any terms. At 
hist, however, Joe deserted the vessel. An abolitionist 
had persuaded him to leave his master ; and a short while 
thereafter he married a Mexican woman — a sort of half- 
breed — and went off to the mines, near Campo Seco. But 
he found his freedom unprofitable and troublesome. While 
in his legitimate station he had always had an easy time, 
plenty of food and an abundance of clothing. He had 
also accumulated two or three hundred dollars, which had 
been given him by his master and others for extra ser- 
vices. Not long after his marriage with the Mexican 
■woman, his money disappeared ; he became penniless, 
ragged, dejected, and, as a last resort, determined to 
return to San Fransisco, beg his master's pardon, and, if 
possible, reinstate himself in the favor of one who had 
always been his friend. He did return, presented him- 
self as a suppliant before his master, told him that he had 
been persuaded to leave, that he was sorry for having 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 69 

done so, and now wislied to enter his service ngain, pro- 
mising unwavering faithfulness in the future. The master 
regarded him with a steady gaze until he had finijjhcd his 
story, and then, in a distinct and dispassionate tone, said 
to him: 'You had no cause for leaving me; I had 
always treated you well ; now you may go, I don't want 
you any longer.' At the conclusion of these words, the 
negro dropped in despair at his master's feet, and wept 
like a child. Moved hy the sincerity of the negro's 
repentance, and having duly considered the extenuating 
circumstances of the case, the master overlooked his 
estrangement, set him to work and never had the least 
difficulty with him afterward. Of his Dulcina, whom it 
seems he had married in a Laguna dance-house, I know 
nothing, except the information I gained from Joe him- 
self, that she left him as soon as his money was gone. 

" One more instance, and I have done with the negroes. 
A gentleman, and three of his slaves, from the western 
part of North Carolina, had been mining about two years, 
near Quartzburg, in Mariposa County. Their efforts 
having been crowned with success, the master concluded 
to return home, and, speaking to his slaves of his inten- 
tion, he told them that they were at liberty to remain in 
California, where their freedom vrould not be disturbed, 
and where they would be entitled to the entire proceeds 
of their labor. To this they replied that the abolitionists 
had told them that long before, and, after detailing several 
attempts to decoy them from their owner, and signifying 



/ 

70 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

their unwillingness to remain in California, they concluded 
by requesting their master to take them with him. He 
consented, paid their passage, and they all returned l;ome 
in the same vessel. 

" The applicability of slave labor to the soil of Southern 
California is now becoming a theme of discussion in that 
region, and it is probuble that the experiment will one day 
be tried. Indeed, the propriety of dividing the State into 
Northern and Southern California has already occupied 
the attention of the legislature ; and, while it is generally 
admitted that the people are about equally divided upon 
the measure, it is universally conceded that, in case of its 
adoption, the Southern portion will establish the laws and 
institutions of Virginia and Louisiana." 

The writer also says, on page 221 of the same book, in 
relation to Nicaragua, and its future, as follows: — • 

"Nicaragua can never fulfill its destiny until it intro- 
duces negro slavery. Nothing but slave labor can ever 
subdue its forests or cultivate its untimbered lands. White 
men may live upon its soil, with an umbrella in one hand 
and a fan in the other ; hut they can never unfold or de- 
velop its resources. May we not safely conclude that negro 
slavery will be introduced into this country before the 
lapse of many years ? We think so. The tendency of 
events fully warrants this inference." Page 221 Land 

of Gold. 

"Oh, Consistency, thou art a jewel!" 

The question has often been asked, What are the capa- 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 71 

bilities of the South? Upon this point wc ask to bo heard 
with attention. We have, ah'eady, an immense line of 
railroad, and an equally extensive line of steamboats in 
successful operation, and thousands of miles more pro- 
jected. Wo have capacious ports and harbors strung 
along the Atlantic coast from the Gulf of iMexico to the 
Chesapeake and Delaware Bays, including sounds and 
rivers to head of tide, amounting to 23,803 miles, and 
more than doubling those of the North, of which Helper 
now delights to boast ! Our inland water communications 
are unequalled. Look at the following tables, and tell us, 
does the South lack facilities for commercial intercourse ? 
And any person who has witnessed the proceedings of the 
various legislatures of the Southern States, will see that 
they have passed bills for their improvement, and are es- 
tablishins; lines of steamboaLs between them and foreign 
ports. 

Tables sJiowing the shore line of States on the Atlantic coast and Gulf 
of Mexico, 



NORTHERN STATES. .zt a-r^l 



; S S ?> -a s ?> ■« - '^ 



7T. ^ 



O) i cS OS 



3Iili-s. Miles. Miles. Miles. Miles. 

Maino 427 1,599 427 2,026 2,453 

New Hampshire 13 37 24 50 74 

Massachusetts 2t)9 8G5 832 1,074 1,90S 

Rhode Island 55 153 232 208 440 

Connecticut 14 239 1,074 253 1,327 

New York 114 886 1,057 1,000 2,057 

New Jersey 118 702 151 820 971 

Pennsylvania 106 106 

Total Northern, Miles 9,334 



72 



HELPER S IMPENDTNCx CRISIS DISSECTED. 



00 _ K ^ Co 

C '^ %' • >'S 

SOUTHERN STATES. I"? I ^"3 =| 

r- f ?- rz => F 2 

1^ I ?" 1^ 

Miles. Miles. Miles. 

Delaware 29 136 506 

Maryland 44 1,008 3,401 

Virginia 148 735 l,{;itO 

North Carolina 299 1,549 932 

South Carolina 192 356 708 

Georgia 76 410 468 

Florida 1,020 3,005 860 

Alabama 33 284 313 

Mississippi 42 206 137 

Louisiana 616 1,595 936 

Texas 353 1,284 432 

Total Southern, Miles 



li^s ii 5 5 
f si 

a 
MilM. 

1G5 
1,052 

883 
1,848 

548 

486 
4,025 

317 

248 
2,211 
1,637 



Up' 



671 
4,453 
2,573 
2,780 
1,256 

954 
4,885 

630 

3S5 
3.147 
2,069 



.23,803 



Number of harbors in the different States on the coast, and the principal onei 

on rivers to the head of tide. (^Incomplete ) 

Number of harbors iiiot 
STATES. (NORTriER.X.) iucludiug all iipou rivers). 

Maine 52 

New Hampshire 3 

Massachusetts 51 

Rhode Island 7 

Connecticut 32 

New York 27 

New Jersey 14 

Penusvlvania 3 

Total 189 

Number of liarbors ("not 
ST.\TES. (SOUTHERN.) incUuliu- ;il| upou river:*). 

Delaware ,„ , 3 

Maryland 11 

Virginia 22 

North Carolina ,. 52 

South Carolina , 21 

Georgia 15 

Florida (^^j 

Alabama 4 

Mississippi 10 

Louisiana 33 

Texas,,,.. 12 

Total 249 



HELPERS IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. la 

The table of harbors is incomplete, but the full table 
"will only increase the number of those of the South, and 
show her still greater relative superiority. With railroads 
and rivers traversing every portion of her territory, — witii 
safe and ample harbors indenting her coasts, and with 
thousands of miles of her shores -washed by the ocean, 
■what does the South lack in the way of facilities for trans- 
portation ? Nothing, literally. If, then, the South shall 
be forced to establish a separate and independent govern- 
ment, by the continual aggressions of the North, would her 
geographical position shut her out from intercourse with 
the world ? No ! verily, she is throughout her whole ex- 
tent, by the act of God, in contract with the commercial 
world. 

Our coal and iron, copper, lead, zinc, and other valuable 
minerals, are exhaustless; and the produce of an empire 
can now most readily be entered at any port in the South, 

But with us, in the South, "Cotton is King;" and, in 
the language of Prof. De Boav, " It is the cotton-bale that 
makes the treaties of the world, and binds over the nations 
to keep the peace." 

Behind the cotton-bale, in time of war, our armies take 
shelter, while in time of peace our cotton-bales employ the 
shipping of at least half the American commerce, feed the 
looms and spindles of the entire North, adding to all the 
•wealth and opulence enjoyed by their great marts. And 
while we enjoy the right of Ilamatic servitude guarantied 
to us hy the ffojjsfitidion of our country, and by the Di- 
7 



74 helper's impexding crlsis dissected. 

vine laws of God, with our superior soil and genial climate, 
no conipetitiun on earth will be able to stand before us. 

And these rights we intend to enjoj'-, or to a man we 
■will die, strunn; alon<2; Mason & Dixon's line, with our faces 
looking North. Leave us in the peaceable possession of 
our slaves, and our Northern neighbors may have all the 
paupers and convicts that pour in upon us from European 
prisons, the getters up of " hunger meetings" at the North, 
and the propagators of the most irreligious and impious 
"isms" of the da3^ The productive wealth of the South, 
'her agricultural and mineral resources, her population and 
extent of territory, are greatly underrated by the politi- 
cians of tlie North, and the reckless agitators of the slavery 
question, such as Seward, Chase, Giddings & Co. Tiiere 
are nine hundred and twenty-nine thousand square miles 
in the South, — an area as large as that covered by Great 
Britain, France, Austria, Prussia, and Spain. The North, 
even after the admission of the two large territories of 
Kansas and Minnesota, will fall more than one hundred 
thousand square miles short of the South. This does 
not include the territory west of the Rocky Mountains, 
•which will never come in antagonism with the South. 
There arc 12,000,000 of inhabitants in the slaveholding 
States of this Unioji, and of this number 4,000,000 arc 
slaves ; and their aggregate value, at present prices, will 
amount to $170,000,000. This item of Southern wealth 
Helper left out of his calculations, or willfully lied. This 
gives us an aggregate population larger tlian that of Great 



IIELPEll S IMPENDTNO CRISIS DISSECTED. 75 

Britain wlien slic struggled against Napoleon and the com- 
bined armies of Europe. 

The population of the slaveholding States of this Con- 
federacy is five times that of the united Continental Colo- 
nies. It is three times that of Sweden and Norway, and 
greater than that of Belgium, Portugal, Holland, Den- 
mark, Switzerland, and Greece combined. We have a 
population five times as large as that which conquered our 
independence, and a thousand-fold as strong. We have 
1,000,000 of men upon our muster-rolls. At any time, 
upon short notice, the South can raise, equip, and maintain 
in the field, a larger force than any power on earth can 
send against her ; men, too, brought up on horseback and 
in active life, with guns in their hands, — men who will not 
desert their colors, as some of the Northern men have done 
in Mexico and elsewhere ! 

Note. — Helper stole three liunrlred dollars from his employer, a 
bookseller at Raleigh, North Carolina, and lied from the South. 



CHAPTER V. 

Helper's iguorance of the feelings of tlie iion-slaveliolding popula- 
tion of the South to their country — The negroes of the South 
true to their masters — The proofs given at Harper's Ferry — Not 
a slave attempted to run away — The South have no fears of the 
uprising of the negroes — How the negroes aided their masters 
to repel the British under Lord Cornwallis, and at New Orleans — 
Report of the Virginia Legislature on tlie Harper's Ferry outrage. 

" Hexcefoiitii, sirs, v/e arc demandants, jiot suppliants. 
We demand our rights, notliing more, nothing less. It is 
for you to decide whether we are to have justice peaceably 
or by violence, for whatever consequences may follow, we 
are determined to have it one way or the other. Do you 
aspire to become the victims of white ??o/i-slaveholding ven- 
geance by day, and of barbarous massacre by the negroes 
at night? Would you be instrumental in bringing upon 
yourselves, your wives, and your children, a fate too 
horrible to contemplate ? Shall history cease to cite as 
an instance of unexampled cruelty, the massacre of St. 
Bartholomew, because the world — the South — shall have 
furnished a more direful scene of atrocity and carnage?" 
— Helper s Book, page 128. 

Such are the incendiary words put forth by this miser- 
able seawp — Helper — and cTidorsed by sixty-eight mem- 

(Tr.) 



helper's impexdixg cni.sis dissected. 77 

bcrs of Congress. We think that Mr. Helper must h.ivo 
intended to put a part of the above in another work he 
was writing in defense of the South, and advocating slave 
extension as he did in his^^ Land of (roZt?;" * but who 
being detected in stealing, was cut short in writing it by 
having to leave the State or go to prison. Mr. Helper 
professes to be a native of the South ; but we are of 
opinion that Southern soil never gave birth to so great a 
liar and rascal. And yet he says (pretending to have a 
great deal of knowledge of the South) that we will 
" become the victims of white ?io?i-slaveholding vengeance 
by day, and of barbarous massacre by the negroes at 
night." On page 148 of his work, Helper fixes the 
number of slaveholders at 186,551, and the non-slave- 
holders at 824 603, leaving a majority in favor of the 
non-slaveholders, thus giving them the power to control 
us. In their hands lie the perpetuity of slavery, and if 
the non-slaveholders at the South were to close their 
hands on us, the institution of slavery would be eternally 
crushed out. But we have never heard that portion of 
our community complain of the institution of slavery as a 
curse, never have they complained of the loss of a single 
right ; but, on the contrary, they are the warmest sup- 
porters that the institution of slavery has. 

We can assure Mr. Helper and his followers (the 
"Black" Republicans) that- wo have no fear for our safety 

* Mr. Helper wrote a work in 1855, entitled, " Tlie Land of 
Gold," that advocated the extension of slavery. 



78 lIELPELl'S IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 

from the so-callc>l " vengeance of the non-shivehohlors hy 
day, and of barbarous massacre by the negroes at night." 
We have no such fears. But we are of opinion that this 
man Helper has very much overrated himself and laid the 
above (as we believe he thinks) ^'■fiattering unction to his 
soul," which will never be fulfilled, for "John Brown" 
attempted to carry out a part of the platform as laid 
down in the book of this traitor, thief, and liar, viz. : 
"What our noble sires of the Revolution left unfinished, 
it is our duty to complete," page 95. "John Brown" 
labored under the same blind and fatal belief that the 
non-slaveholding whites and the free negroes, together 
with the slaves, would rise on a moment's warning, and 
murder, rob, and burn all in the name of Freedom. 

But alas ! this poor, miserable, deluded wretch was 
doomed to meet a sad end. lie found that the non- 
slaveholders and the free negroes, together with the 
slaves, would not rise in rebellion, and murder their 
masters. But John Brown, when he found this out it 
was too late to make amends, fought the harder to effect 
his escape ; but failed, was tried, found guilty after 
a full and fair trial, and hung together with his confeder- 
ates. 

For the history of the manner in which the slave popu- 
lation behaved during the excitement at Harper's Ferry 
at a time, if they chose, they could have obtained their 
freedom^ we would refer the reader to the following 
extracts from the " Report of the Joint Committee of the 



helper's IMPENDIXa CRISIS DISSECTED. 79 

General Asserablj of Virginia on the Ilaf-pcr's Ferry 
Outrage, January 2(3th, 1800, Doc. No. XXXI., which 
also contains some useful as 'well as valuable information 
on the slavery question, and we offer it without comment. 
It speaks for itself : — 

"During the first night of the attack, and before the 
citizens of the town Avere apprized of the danger, a band 
of the conspirators, among whom were Cook and Ilazlitt, 
were sent to the rendezvous in Maryland, with wagons and 
teams, and several slaves whom they had pressed into ser- 
vice, to bring off the rifles, pistols, and pikes which had 
been collected at that point. But when they received in- 
formation of the condition of their confederates at Harper's 
Ferry, they abandoned their purpose and fled to the moun- 
tains, and made their escape. The slaves availed them- 
selves of the first opportunity to return to their masters, 
and a body of troops, sent for that purpose, visited the 
rendezvous and brought off the wagons and arms. 

" But, in the opinion of your committee, this is but a 
single and comparatively unimportant chapter in the his- 
tory of this outrage. They would cheerfully have under- 
taken the task of investigating the subject, in all its rela- 
tions and ramifications, if they had possessed the power to 
compel the attendance of witnesses who reside beyond tlie 
limits of the Commonwealth; but having no such power, 
they are constrained to leave that branch of the investiga- 
tion in the hands of the committee of the Senate of the 
United States. Your committee have no hesitation, how- 



80 helper's impendinq ckisis dissected. 

ever, in expressing tlie opinion, from tlic eviilence before 
them, that many others hesides the parties directly engaged 
in the raid at Harper's Fcrr}', are deeply implicated, as 
aiders and abettors, and accessories before the fact, v.'itli 
full knowledge of the guilty purposes of their confederates. 
Some of these, like Gerrit Smith of New York, Dr. S. G. 

Howe of Boston, Sanborn, and Thaddeus Hyatt of 

New York, and probably others, are represented to have 
held respectable positions in society; but whatever may 
have been their social standing heretofore, they must 
henceforth, in the esteem of all good men, be branded as 
the guilty confederates of thieves, murderers and traitors. 

" The evidence before your committee is sufficient to 
show the existence, in a number of Northern States, of a 
wide-spread conspiracy, not merely against Virginia, but 
against the peace and security of all the Southern States. 
But the careful erasure of names and dates from many of 
the papers found in Brown's possession, renders it difficult 
to procure legal evidence of the guilt of the parties im- 
plicated. The conviction of the existence of such a con- 
spiracy is deepened by the sympathy with the culprits 
which has been manifested by large numbers of persons in 
the Northern States, and by the disposition which your 
committee are satisfied did exist, to rescue them from the 
custody of the law. 

"Near five hundred letters, addressed to Governor "Wise, 
after the arrest of Brown and his confederates, have been 
inspected by your committee. Many of these were anony- 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 81 

mous, and evidently ■written in bad faith ; but the greater 
number were genuine letters, apparently from respectable 
sources. In some instances, the authors professed to state 
from their own knowdedge ; and in others, from informa- 
tion which they credited, that there were organizations on 
foot, in various States and neighborhoods, to effect the 
rescue of Brown and his associates; and they therefore 
urged the Governor to concentrate a sufficient military 
force about Charlestown (the county seat of Jeficrson) to 
frustrate all such purposes. Sev£ral ministers of the gos- 
pel, and other citizens, wdio valued the peace and harmony 
of the country, appealed to Governor Wise, as a measure 
of humanity, and to save the effusion of blood, to assemble 
such a body of troops around the prison as would intimi- 
date the sympathizers from attempting a rescue. They 
justly foresaw that even an abortive attempt, attended 
with l(jss of life, would, in all probability, be followed by 
disastrous consequences to the peace of the country. 

" Pending tlie trials, and after the conviction of the pri- 
soners, a great many letters were received by the Gover- 
nor from citizens of Northern States, urging him to pardon 
the offenders, or to commute their punishment. Some of 
them were written in a spirit of menace, threatening his 
life, and that of members of his family, if he should fail 
to comply with their demands. Others gave notice of the 
purpose of resolute bands of desperadoes to fire the prin- 
cipal towns and cities of Virginia, and thus obtain revenge 
by destroying the property and lives of our citizens. 



82 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

Others appealed to his clernency, to his magnaninjitj, and 
to his hopes of future political promotion, as presenting 
motives for his intervention in behalf of the convicted 
felons. Another class (and among these Avere letters from 
men of national reputation) besought him to pardon them 
on the ground of public policy. The writers professed to 
be thoroughly informed as to the condition of public senti- 
ment in the North, and represented it as so favorable to 
the pardon or commutation of punishment of the prison- 
ers, as to render it highly expedient, if not neccssarj'-, to 
interpose the Executive prerogative of mercy, to conciliate 
this morbid popular opinion in the Nortli. 

"This invasion of a sovereign State by citizens of other 
States, confederated "O'ith subjects of a foreign govern- 
ment, presents matter for grave consideration. It is an 
event without a parallel in the history of our country. 
And when we remember that the incursion was marked by 
distinct geographical features — that it was made by citi- 
zens of Northern States on a Southern Stnte — that all the 
countenance and encouragement which it received, and all 
the material aid which was extended to it, were by citizens 
of Northern States, and that its avowed object was to 
make war upon and overthrow an institution intimately 
interwoven with all the interests of the Southern States, 
and constituting an essential element of their social and 
political systems — an institution which has existed in Vir- 
ginia for more than two centuries, and which is recognized 
and guaranteed by the mutual covenants between tlie 



iiELPKii's i.mpl:ndixo ciirsis dissected. 83 

Nortli and the Soutli, embodied in the Constitution of tlie 
United States — every thouglitful mind must be filled with 
deep concern and anxiety for the future peace and secu- 
rity of the country. 

" The subject of slavery has, from time to time, consti- 
tuted a disturbing element in our political sj^stcm, from 
the foundation of our confederated republic. At the date 
of the declaration of our national independence, slavery 
existed in every colony of the confederation. It had been 
introduced by the mother country, against the wishes and 
remonstrances of the colonies. It is true that in the more 
Northern members of the confederation the number of 
slaves was small ; but the institution was recognized and 
protected by the laws of all the colonies. If, then, there 
be any thing in the institution of slavery at war Avith the 
laws of God or the rights of humanity, (which we deny,) 
the sin attaches to Great Britain as its founder, and to all 
the original thirteen States of the confederacy, as havinn- 
given to it their sanction and support. 

" Shortly after the Declaration of Independence, the 
Northern States adopted prospective measures to relieve 
themselves of the African population. But it is a great 
mistake to suppose that their policy, in this particular, was 
prompted by any spirit of philanthropy or tender regard 
for the welfare of the negro race. On the contrary, it 
was dictated by an enlightened self-interest, yielding obe- 
dience to overruling laws of social economy. Experience 
had shown that the African race were not adapted to high 



84 helper's IMrENDiXG CRISIS DISSECTED. 

Nortliern latitudes, and that slave labor could not compete 
successfully with free white labor in those pursuits to v.liich 
the industry of the Isorth was directed. This discovery 
having been made, the people of the North, at an early 
day, began to dispose of their slaves by sale to citizens of 
the Southern States, whose soil, climate, and productions 
were better adapted to their habits and capacities; and the 
legislation of the Northern States, following the course of 
public opinion, was directed not to emancipation, but to 
the removal of the slave population beyond their limits. 
To elTect this object, they adopted a system of laws which 
provided, prospectively, that all children born of female 
slaves, within their jurisdiction, after certain specified 
dates, should be held free when they attained a given age. 
No law can be found on the statute book of any Northern 
State, which conferred the boon of freedom on a single 
slave in being. All who were slaves remained slaves. 
Freedom was secured only to the children of slaves, born 
after the days designated in the laws ; and it was secured 
t^ them only in the contingency that the owner of the 
female slave should retain her within the jurisdiction of 
the State until after the child was born. To secure free- 
dom to the afterborn child, therefore, it was necessary 
that the consent of the master, indicated by his permitting 
the mother to remain in the State, should be superadded 
to the provisions of the law. "Without such consent the 
law would have been inoperative, because the mother, be- 
fore the birth of the child, might, at the will of the master, 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 85 

be removed beyond the jurisdiction of the law. There was 
no legal prohibition of such removal, for such a prohibition 
would have been at war with the policy of the law, v.hich 
v/us obviously removal and not emancipation. The effect 
of this legislation was, as might have readily been fore- 
seen, to induce the owners of female slaves to sell them to 
the planters of the South before the time arrived when the 
forfeiture of the offspring would accrue. Ey these laws a 
wholesale slave trade was inaugurated, under which a large 
proportion of the slaves of the Northern States were sold 
to persons residing south of Pennsylvania ; and it is an 
unquestionable fact, that a largfe number of the slaves of 
the Southern States are the descendants of those sold by 
Northern men to citizens of the South, with covenants of 
general warranty of title to them and their increase. 

"As early as 1778, Virginia, foreseeing the influx of 
slaves from the North, under the operation of natural 
causes and of anticipated legislation, sought to guard her- 
self against its effects by stringent prohibitory enactments. 
With this view, in that year, she passed a law forbidding 
the importation of slaves into Virginia by land or sea, 
under penalty of ^£1,000 for each slave so imported, and 
the forfeiture of the right to the slave. The only excep- 
tions made by the law, were in favor of hona fide immi- 
grants bringing their slaves with them, and persons ac- 
quiring title to slaves in other States by descent, devise, 
or marriage. See 9 Hen. Stat. 471-2. This law remained 



86 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

in force until the revisal of 1819, -^vlien it was dropped 
from the Code as unnecessary. 

" In the more Northern States, slavery ceased to exist 
shortly after the Revolution. As early as 177-1, it was 
provided by law in Rhode Island that all the offspring of 
female slaves born after 178-1 should be free. Under the 
influence of natural civises, it also became practically ex- 
tinct, about the date of the Revolution, in Vermont, New 
Hampshire, and Massachusetts. A few slaves, however, 
lingered in those States until after the adoption of their 
respective constitutions, when, under the operation of 
their declarations of rights, those who thought proper to 
assert a claim to freedom obtained it. The judicial deci- 
sion of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, by which sla- 
very in that State became extinct, was pronounced in the 
case of Littleton v. Tuttle, in lli'6. Chief Justice Par- 
sons, in delivering the opinion of the Court in Winchedou 
V. Hatfield, 4 Mass. 11. 127, says, ' Slavery was introduced 
into this country soon after its first settlement, and was 
tolerated until the ratification of the present Constitution, 
(2d March, 1780.) The slave was the property of his 
master, subject to his orders, to reasonable correction for 
misbehavior, was transferable like a chattel by gift or 
sale, and was assets in the hands of his executor or ad- 
ministrator. If the master was guilty of a cruel or un- 
reasonable castigation of his slave, he was liable to be 
punished for a breach of the peace, and I believe the 
slave was allowed to demand sureties of the peace from a 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 87 

violent and barbarous master, — which generally caused 
a sale to another master. And the issue of the female 
slave, according to the maxim of the civil lav>^, was the 
property of her master. Under these regulations, the 
treatment of slaves Avas in general mild and humane, and 
they suffered hardships not greater than hired servants.' " 

Notwithstanding the Massachusetts Declaration of 
Rights in 1780, slavery seems to have continued for some 
years in that State. The following brief report of the 
case of Littleton v. Tuttle is appended to Judge Parsons' 
opinion in the case of Winchedon v. Hatfield : — 

" ' This was an action of assumpsit for money expended 
by the plaintiffs for the support and maintenance of Jacob, 
alias Cato, a negro and a pauper. Upon the general issue 
pleaded, the following facts were proved to the jury : Cato's 
father, named Scipio, was reputed a negro slave when Cato 
was born, and, according to the then general usage and 
opinion, was the property of Nathan Chase, an inhabitant 
of Littleton. Cato's mother, named Violet, was a negro 
in the same reputed condition, and the property of Joseph 
ILarwood. Scipio and Violet were lawfully married and 
had issue, Cato, who was born in Littleton, January 1,8th, 
1773, and was there, in the general opinion, a slave, the 
property of the said Ilarwood, as the owner of his mother. 
Harwood, on the 17th February, 1771?, sold him to the 
defendant (Tuttle), who retained him in his service until 
he was 21 years old. lie being then a cripple and unable 
to labor, the defendant delivered him to the overseers of 



88 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

the poor of Littleton, and left Lim T\'ith them, refusin:r tc 
make any provision for him ; whereupon the overseers 
expended the money in his maintenance for which this 
action was brought. 

" ' The court stopped the defendant's counsel from re- 
plying, and the chief justice charged the jury, as the 
unanimous opinion of th* court, that Cato, being born in 
this country, was born free, and that the defendant was 
not chargeable for his support after he was 21 years of 
age.' 

" It thus appears that slavery ceased to exist in Massa- 
chusetts, not by legislative action, but by the operation 
of a judicial decision rendered in 179G, by w^hich a con- 
struction was placed on certain provisions of her Declara- 
tion of Rights, which is very different from the interpreta- 
tion which similar provisions have received in other parts 
of the confederacy. The clause referred to is in these 
words : ' All men are born free and equal, and have cer- 
tain natural, essential and unalienable rights ; among 
which may be reckoned the right of enjoying and defend- 
ing their lives and liberties ; and that of acquiring, pos- 
sessing and protecting property ; in fine, that of seeking 
and obtaining their safety and happiness.' It is obvious, 
also, that this provision of the Declaration of Rights could 
not have been regarded as necessarily conferring the right 
to freedom on the slave population ; for if such had been 
the opinion generally entertained, it would not have re- 
mained inoperative for sixteen years. 



helper's impending crisls dissected. 89 

" Pennsylvfinia passed her first act for the removal of 
shivery 1st March, 1780 — New Jersey in 178-1 — Connecti- 
cut in 1784, and New York in 1788 ; but these hiws were 
very gradual in their operation, for the Census tables dis- 
close the fact that in 1790 there were 158 slaves in Nev/ 
Hampshire and 17 in Vermont, and much larger numbers 
in the other States. As late as 1830 there were slaves in 
every New England State except Vermont. 

" It thus appears that each State has claimed and exer- 
cised the right to regulate its own domestic institutions, 
according to its own pleasure, without let or hindrance 
from the other States. 

"At the time the federal Constitution was adopted, the 
whole number of slaves, in all the States north of Dela- 
ware, was 40,370, of whom three-fourths were found in 
New York and New Jersey, and it was well known to every 
one, that in a few years the institution would cease to ex- 
ist in all the Northern States. 

"At this date, the African slave trade existed in full 
vigor, and the importation of slaves into some of the States 
was tolerated, whilst in others it was strictly prohibited 
under heavy penalties. 

" When, in pursuance of the invitation given by Vir- 
ginia to her sister States, to send delegates to a conven- 
tion, to form a more perfect Union, that body assembled, 
these diversities in the institutions and interests of the 
Northern and Southern States, which it was foreseen would 
tend progressively to increase, naturally attracted atten- 
8* 



90 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

tion, and were the subject of grave and anxious delibera- 
tion. 

The first form in which the slavery question presented 
itself to the framers of the Constitution, was in regard 
to the relation of the slave population to taxation and 
representation. This question was adjusted witliout 
much debate, to the satisfaction of all parties, in con- 
formity with the rule previously established in the 
Continental Congress, by a compromise, which stipu- 
lated that three-fifths of the slave-population should 
be counted in establishing the ratio of representation, and 
in the imposition of direct taxes. The vote by States on 
this proposition stood: Ayes — Massachusetts, Connecti- 
cut, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North 
Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia — 9. Nays — New 
Jersey and Delaware — 2. Elliott's Debates, vol. 1, p. 203. 

" The next aspect in which the subject arose was in re- 
gard to the suppression of the African slave trade ; and 
here again the subject of difference was settled in a wise 
spirit of conciliation and mutual concession. 

" The proposition originally reported to the convention 
w^as in these words : ' The migration or importation of such 
persons as the several States now existing shall think pro- 
per to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Legislature 
prior to the year 1800, but a tax or duty may be imposed 
on such migration or importation at a rate not exceeding 
the average of the duties levied on imports.' Elliott's 
Debates, vol. 1, p. 292. On the 25th of August, 1787, it 



helper's impending crisis dissected, 01 

vras moved to amend the report, by striking out the wordg 
' the year eighteen hundred,' and inserting the words, ' the 
year eighteen hundred and ciglit,' ■which passed in the 
affirmative : Yeas — New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Con 
necticut, Maryhind, North Carolina, South Carolina and 
Georgia — 7. Nays — New Jersey, I'cnnsylvania, Dela- 
ware and Virginia — 4. Rhode Island and New York did 
not vote on the question. Thus it appears that New 
Hampshire, Massachusetts and Connecticut voted to pro- 
long the period during Avhich the slave trade should be 
allowed. 

" On the question to agree to the first part of the report 
as amended, viz : ' The migration or importation of such 
persons as the several States now existing shall think pro- 
per to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Legislature 
prior to the year 1808,' it passed in the affirmative: Yeas 
— New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, 
North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia — 7. Nays — 
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Virginia — 4. 
Elliott's Debates, vol. 1, pp. 295-6. 

" The course of Virginia on this subject, it is well known, 
■was dictated by no friendly feeling to the African slave 
trade. She had prohibited it by her own laws as early as 
1778, and George Mason, one of her delegates to the fed- 
eral convention, refused to give his sanction to the Consti- 
tution, among other reasons, because it failed to place an 
immediate interdict on the African trade. 

" The third and last form in which the subject of slavery 



92 helper's impeinPIXg cnisis dissected. 

was consiilercd Ly tlie convention, was in reference to the 
sui'render of fugitive slaves. The provision on this sub- 
ject came up for consiJei-ation on the 29th of August, 
1787. It was in these words: 'If an^' person be bound 
to service or labor in anj part of the United States, and 
shall escape into another State, he or she shall not be dis- 
charged from such service or labor, in consequence of any 
regulation subsisting in the State to which they shall 
escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly claim- 
ing their service or labor.' 

"The propriety and justice of this provision were so 
obvious, that it was adopted by the unanimous vote of the 
convention. Elliott's Debates, vol. 1, p. 303. 

" Your committee have thus reviewed the history of all 
the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, 
which have a direct bearing on the subject of slavery, and 
it will be seen that on every point they are of the mo^t 
diritinct and imperative character. They are in the nature 
of formal covenants. These covenants constituted the 
consideration for which the Southern States agreed to 
make concessions on their part, intended for the public 
good. Without these covenants oiv the part of the 
Northern States, the Constitution could not have been 
formed or adopted. A wise and patriotic conciliation 
pervaded the councils of the convention, Avhich secured 
harmony in all their deliberations, and a unanimous vote 
in favor of the Constitution. 

" When their work was accomplished, by order of the 



helper's impending CllISlS DISSECTED. 93 

convention it was submitted to the Continental Congress, 
accompanied by a letter from George Washington, which 
is so replete with just and patriotic sentiments, and so 
instructive as to the motives by which the convention was 
guided, that your committee cannot forbear to make some 
extracts from it. Tliis letter, addressed to his excellency, 
the President of Congress, was approved September 17, 
1787, by unanimous order of the convention. 

"'It is obviously impracticable,' writes this wisest and 
most pati-iotic of statesmen, 'in the federal government 
of these States, to secure all rights of independent sove- 
reignty to each, and yet provide for the interest and safety 
of all. Individuals entering into r:ociety must give up a 
share of liberty to preserve the rest. The magnitude of 
the sacrifice must depend as well on situation and circum- 
stances as on the object to be obtained. It is at all times 
difficult to draw, with precision, the line betv.-een those 
rights which must be surrendered and those which may be 
reserved; and on the present occasion, this difficulty was 
increased by a difference among the several States as to 
their situation, extent, habits, and particular interests. 

"'In all our deliberations on this subject, we kept 
steadily in our viov that which appears to us the greatest 
interest of every true American — the consolidation of our 
Union — in which is involved our property, felicity, safety, 
perhaps our national existence. This important considera- 
tion, seriously and deeply impressed on our minds, led 
each State in the convention to be less rigid on points of 



94. helper's impending crisis dissected. 

inferior magnitude than might have been otherwise 
expected ; and thus the Constitution which we now present 
is the result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutual 
deference and concession which the peculiarity of our 
political situation rendered indispensable. 

'"That it will meet the full and entire approbation of 
every State, is not, perhaps to be expected ; but each Avill 
doubtless consider that, had her interest been alone con- 
sulted, the consequences might have been particularly dis- 
agreeable or injurious to others ; that it is liable to as few 
exceptions as could reasonably have been expected, we 
hope and believe ; that it may promote the lasting welfare 
of that country so dear to us all, and secure her freedom 
and happiness, is our most ardent wish.' 

" It is doubtless true, that the Constitution was not, in 
all its details, acceptable to a single State represented in 
the convention. But it embodied the results of their 
joint counsels, governed by a spirit of concord and amity, 
in obedience to which each State agreed to make some 
concessions for the common good. 

"The first Census was taken in the year 1790, and from 
that time to the present, the constitutional covenant in 
regard to the computation of three-fifths of the slave 
population, in ascertaining the ratio of representation, 
has been faithfully and honestly observed. 

"In 1807, a law was passed by Congress, in conformity 
with the provisions of the Constitution, prohibiting the 
slave trade after the 1st of January, 1808. No attempt 



helper's impending CIIISIS DISSHCTEt). 05 

was made to pass such a law before the day indicated by 
the Constitution, and therefore that covenant was also 
performed with scrupulous fidelity. 

" In 1793, Congress, in obedience to the mandate of 
the Constitution, enacted a law providing for the rendition 
of fugitives from labor. This act was defective in many 
of its provisions, but in consequence of the spirit of fra- 
ternity and justice Avhich pervaded the minds of the people 
of all portions of the Union, in the earlier and better 
days of the republic, no practical inconvenience resulted 
from the imperfections in the law. As a striking illus- 
tration of the just sentiments which prevailed shortly after 
the government of the United States went into practical 
operation, your committee take pleasure in referring to 
the patriotic action of the State of Vermont. In 1786, 
that State had passed a penal law to prevent the sale and 
transportation of negroes and raulattoes out of the State. 
See Ilaswell, cd. 117. But immediately upon her admis- 
sion into the Union she repealed it, because it was sup- 
posed to be in conflict with the section of the Constitution 
of the United States in regard to the surrender of fugi- 
tives from labor. 

In 1802, the subject of the duty of the States under 
the federal Constitution was referred to in the Supreme 
Court of Vermont, and the judges availed themselves of 
the occasion to give expression to sentiments which deserve 
to be deeply impressed on the hearts of the people of all 
sections. Judge Tyler remarked, ' With respect to what 



06 helper's IMPEXDIXa CllISIS DISSECTED. 

has been observed on the Constitution and laws of the 
Union, I will observe that whoever views attentively the 
Constitution of the United States, wliile he admires the 
wisdom which framed it, will perceive that in order to 
unite the interests of a numerous people, inhabiting a 
broad extent of territory, and possessing, from education 
and habits, different modes of thinking on important 
subjects, it was necessary to make numerous provisions in 
favor of local prejudices, and so to construct the Consti- 
tution, and so to enact the laws made under it, that the 
rights or supposed rights of all should be secured througli- 
out the whole national domain. In compliance with the 
spirit of this Constitution, upon our admission into the 
federal Union, the statute laws of this State were revised, 
and a penal act, which was supposed to mihtate against 
the third member of the second section of the 4th article 
of the Constitution of the United States, was repealed ; 
and if cases shall happen in which our local sentiments 
and feelings may be violated, yet I trust that the goo<l 
people of Vermont will, on all such occasions, submit with 
cheerfulness to the national Constitution and laws, which, 
if we may v.ish, in some particular, more congenial to our 
modes of thinking, yet we must be sensible are productive 
of numerous and rich blessings to us as individuals, and 
to the State as an integral part of the Union.' 

" Chief Justice Jonathan Robinson, spoke as follows : 
' I concur fully in opinion with the Assistant Judge. I 
shall always respect the Constitution and laws of the 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 97 

Union ; and though it may sometimes be a reluctant, yet 
I shall always render a prompt obedience to them, fully 
sensible that ivhile I reverence a Constitution and laws 
■which favor the opinions and prejudices of the citizens of 
other sections of the Union, the same Constitution- and 
laws contain also provisions which are favorable to our 
peculiar opinions and prejudices, and which may possibly 
be ef^ually irreconcilable with the sentiments of the 
inhabitants of other States, as the very idea of slavery is 
to us.' See 2 Tyler's Rop. 109, 200. ^ 

"As lon'T as the States continued to be governed in 
their relations to the federal government and to each other 
by the wise and patriotic spirit which dictated these opin- 
ions, none but the most amicable feelings could exist be- 
tween them. Up to this period, therefore, no disposition 
was manifested in any quarter to repudiate the guarantees 
of the Constitution. 

"The acquisition of Louisiana and Florida, embracing 
a large extent of territory adapted to slave labor, gave 
rise to some uneasiness in the Northern mind in regard to 
the future ascendancy of the slave States in the national 
councils. This uneasiness continued to increase until 1820, 
when it developed itself practically by an attempt to im- 
pose restrictions on the State of Missouri, as conditions 
precedent to her admission into the Union. It is but just, 
however, to state, that the struggle on this question was 
marked not so much by hostility to slavery as by jealousy 
of the growing political power of the Southern States. 



98 helper's imtexdixg crisis dissected. 

The contest in regard to the terms on Avhich Missouri 
should be admitted created deep feeling throughout the 
Union. It yvas the first occasion on which parties were 
arrayed according to geographical divisions, and it was at 
once perceived that a contest of that character was fraught 
with danger to the harmony and permanency of the Union. 
Fortunately, the restrictions on the State of Missouri were 
defeated. A line of partition was subsequently drawn 
through the unoccupied territory of the United States, 
along the parallel of 36° 30' to our westei'n frontier, with 
an enactment that slavery was to be prohibited in all the 
territory north of that line, and permitted, if desired by 
the people, in all south of it. By this arrangement the 
two systems of civilization and labor were left to progress 
westward, side by side. 

"Under this compromise it was supposed that all causes 
of controvei'sy, arising out of the irritating subject of 
slavery, would be banished from the halls of federal legis- 
lation. But, in a few years, an inconsiderable band of, 
fanatics, instigated by a mischievous spirit, besieged the 
two Houses of Congress with petitions to abolish shivery 
in the District of Columbia, and to prohibit the slave trade 
between the States. The effect of these petitions was to 
create much irritation and ill feeling between different 
parts of the Union. 

" Such was the aspect of the slavery question in 1843-4, 
when Texas, which had recently established her indepen- 
dence after a gallant struggle with Mexico, sought adrais- 



IIELPEU'S IMPKXDIXG CIlISIS DISSECTED. 99 

sion into our Union. There was great diversity of opinion 
among the people of the United States, both in tho 
Northern and Southern States, as to the policy of receiving 
lier into our confederacy. Animated discussions ensued 
in all parts of the country on this great question ; and 
finally, so ao.-orbing was tho interest which was felt in it, 
that the question of admission or non-admission bccamo 
an important clement in the presidential election of ISi-t. 
James K. Polk was tho representative of those favorable 
to admission, and Henry Chiy of those opposed to it. On 
this great issue the parties went before tho country, and 
the verdict of public opinion was in favor of the admission 
of Texas as a slave State, and with a stipulation in the 
form of an irrevocable compact, that, at a future d:iy, four 
more slave States might be carved out of her vast terii- 
tory, as the convenience of her advancing population 
mi'^ht require. The Northern or non-slaveholding States 
wdiich voted for Mr. Polk were Maine, New Hampshire, 
New York, Pennsylvania, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan, 
giving 103 electoral votes. The slave States voting with 
them were Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, 
Mississippi, Louisiana, Missouri and Arkansas — 67 elec- 
toral votes. 

This vast addition to the slave territory of the United 
States was therefore approved by the concurrent votes of 
the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States ; and what- 
ever responsibility belongs to the act, in a moral, social or 



100 helper's lmtendixg crisis dissected. 

political aspect, necessarily attaches itself to them 'n 
common. 

"The admission of Texas was soon followed bv the war 
with Mexico, which, after a series of brilliant victories, re- 
sulted in the subjugation of her capital, and the ratifica- 
tion of the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, by which she 
ceded to the United States, Upper California, New Mexico, 
and other territory west of our ancient frontier. The status 
of these territories, in regard to slaver}', was unsettled, 
and immediately after the ratification of the treaty of 
peace, an animated struggle on this question arose in the 
two branches of Congress. 

"The South promptly proposed a compromise, by which 
the line of partition along the parallel of 30° 30' should 
be extended to the Pacific ocean, and that the covenants 
of the Missouri compromise should be extended to all the 
newly acquired territory. This proposition was rejected 
by the North, and an angry contest ensued, which seriously 
endangered the peace and tran(|uillity of the Union. Peace- 
ful counsels, however, prevailed. The most eminent men 
of both political parties, and of all parts of the confede- 
racy, labored together to effect an adjustment; and finall}^ 
in September, 1850, under the auspices of Cla}', and Cass, 
and Webster, and Dickenson, and Douglas, and Foote, and 
other distinguished men, a series of measures were matured, 
sanctioned by both branches of Congress, and approved by 
the President. 

"Under this system of compromise, California, in con- 



helper's impending crisis dissected. ICl 

formity with her wishes, expressed througli her State con- 
vention, which, though irregularly convened, was supposed 
to represent the sentiments of her people, was to be ad- 
mitted as a free State, and the status of the residue of the 
territory ceded by Mexico was to be determined by the 
people of the territories when they sought admission into 
the Union. The s^^stem of adjustment also embraced two 
other important features, one of which was adopted in 
deference to the wishes of the North, and the other for ilic 
benefit of the South. The first was the abolition of the 
slave trade in the District of Columbia, and the second was 
the passage of a more efficient law for the rendition of 
fugitives from labor, to supply the defects of the act of 
1793. 

"This series of measures, though passed in the form of 
separate bills, constituted substantially one system of paci- 
fication. The passage of one act was the consideration 
for the passage of the others. Neither could have passed 
without the assurance of the passage of the others. The 
provisions embraced by them were in the nature of mu- 
tually dependent covenants; and, if it be possible to in- 
crease the sanctity and validity of a law b^'- superadding 
the obligations of a compact and of plighted faith, no ex- 
ample can be found on our statute books better calculated 
to illustrate the principle than the fugitive slave law of 
1850. All the covenants entered into by the South were 
of a nature which required that they should be performed 
9* 



102 helper's impexdixg crisis dissected. 

without delaj, ■while the compensating agreements of the 
North ■were to be executed in future. 

The South acquiesced in the admission of California as 
a free State — permitted Texas to be dismembered of a 
portion of her territoiy, in which, by her compact with her 
sister States, slavery was to exist — and allowed the slave 
trade to be prohibited in the District of Columbia. The 
price which the North agreed to pay for these concessions 
was nominal, being the recognition of the right of New 
Mexico and the other newly acquired territory to introduce 
or exclude slavery, as they might think proper, and the 
passage of a law which would faithfully fulfill all the con- 
stitutional requirements in regard to the surrender of fu- 
gitive slaves. 

"Under this compromise, tlie South has performed every 
thing that was incumbent on her. California has been 
admitted as a free State, Texas has been dismembered, 
and the slave trade in the District of Columbia has been 
abolished. 

"The South now asks the fulfillment of the compensating 
covenants on the part of the North. It is true that the 
fugitive slave law has passed through all the forms of 
legislation, and now has a place among the Acts of Con- 
gress. But it is a fact, notorious to the world, that the 
law is a dead letter : that while it keeps the promise to 
the ear, it hath broken it to the hope. From the time of 
its passage to the present hour, the people, the legislative 
assemblies, and the judicial tribunals of the Northern 

4 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 103 

States, have manifested tlie most determined purpose to 
set it at naught. Although it has been adjudged by the 
highest court of the United States to be in conformity 
with the Constitution, and therefore to be a part of the 
supreme hiw of the land, the legislatures of almost all the 
Northern States have passed acts to nullify or evade its 
practical execution. Many of their courts have interposed 
every obstacle in their power to its enforcement, and mobs 
have risen in most of the Northern cities to resist the law, 
and to rescue the fugitives from labor by force of arms; 
and several Southern citizens have been murdered whilst 
engaged in attempts to arrest their slaves. 

" From the compendium of the Census of 1850, it appears 
that the number of slaves who escaped from their masters 
in the year 1849-50 was 1,011, whose aggregate value was 
near one million of dollars. 

" This condition of things furnishes a striking evidence 
of the growth of a spirit unfriendly to the guarantees of 
the Constitution, and at war with all the obligations of 
national faith, which is in painful contrast with the patri- 
otic conduct of Vermont in the better days of the repub- 
lic, which has already been adverted to. 

" Tiie compromise measures of 1850 were by no means 
acceptable, in all their features, either to the North or to the 
South. But patriotic men of both sections were willing to 
sacrifice their opinions and wishes for the public good; and 
in 1852 both the great political parties which then divided 
the country, and contended for the power to guide its 



104 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

policy, through their respective National Conventions, de- 
clared their purpose to abide by the compromises of 1850, 
and to discountenance the furtlier agitation of the slavery 
question in or out of Congress. President Pierce having 
been elected on this platform, availed himself of the earli- 
est appropriate occasion, in his first annual message to 
Congress in December, 1853, to announce his purpose to 
conform to the pledges given in his behalf by those who 
elected him. 

" In 1854, a bill was introduced into Congress, under 
the auspices of a distinguished senator from Illinois, for 
the organization of territorial governments in Kansas and 
Nebraska. As originally reported, the bill was silent in 
regard to slavery. Subsequently, the bill was modified so 
as to embrace a clause which declared the law of 1820 — 
commonly known as the Missouri Compromise Act — in- 
operative and void ; and in this form it became a law. 
The avowed object of the mover and friends of the bill 
was to remove the slavery agitation from the halls of Con- 
gress, and to localize it, by confining it to the territories 
as they should respectively be in a condition to establish 
their own municipal institutions. The bill declared on its 
face that its true intent and meaning was ' not to legislate 
slavery into any territory or State, nor to exclude it there- 
from, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form 
and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, 
subject only to the Constitution of the United States.' 

" The passage of this law furnished the pretext for the 



helper's IMrENDING CKIPIS DISSECTED. 105 

revival, with increased bittcrnecis, of all the sectional feuds 
Avhicii had been temporarily allayed by the measures of 
1850. Throughout the Northern States, old party lines 
■were almost obliterated, and a new Northern political or- 
ganization sprang into existence, under the designation of 
the Republican Party. This organization was distinctly 
sectional in its character, and it soon acquired the ascend- 
ancy in almost every Northern State. The ostensible ob- 
ject of this party was to organize public opinion in oppo- 
sition to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and to 
the extension of slavery into new territories. But it soon 
became evident, from the sectional character of the party, 
the doctrines wiiich it inculcated, and the policy which it 
pursued, that its real purpose was to make war upon the 
institution of slavery itself. Your committee have no 
doubt that the ulterior designs of the leaders of the party 
were carefully concealed from the great body of those who 
enlisted under its banner, and who would have then re- 
coiled from the idea of invading the acknowledged rights 
of the Southern States, and trampling under foot the 
solemn compacts of the Constitution. The object was to 
obtain the co-operation of the Northern people, by the 
specious pretenses of opposition to the repeal of the Mis- 
souri Compromise and to the extension of slavery, and 
then, by the force of party affinities and discipline, to 
lead or drive them into open warfare on the institution 
itself. 

" The first evidence of the true design of the Hepubli- 



lOG helper's impending crisis dissected. 

can party, is to be found in their failure to seek the assist- 
ance and co-operation of those citizens of the Southern 
States who were equally opposed with themselves to the 
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the whole policy 
of the Government in regard to Kansas and Nebraska. If 
their purposes had been such as they represented them to 
be at the outset, they would naturally have sought the al- 
liance of all who concurred with them in sentiment, with- 
out reference to geographical divisions. This they declined 
to do, and for the first time in the history of our country, 
the spectacle was exhibited of a party organized on a 
strictly sectional basis. The dangers likely to result from 
the formation of such parties were foreseen by the Father 
of his country, and constituted the subject of one of his 
most solemn admonitions to his countrymen in his Fare- 
well Address. Tiiese are his impressive words : 

" ' In contemplating the causes which may disturb our 
Union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any 
ground should have been furnished for characterizing par- 
ties by geographical discriminations, Northern and South- 
ern, Atlantic and Western, whence designing men may 
endeavor to incite a belief that there is a real difference 
of local interests and views. One of the expedients of 
party to acquire influence with particular districts is to 
misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You 
cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies 
and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresenta- 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 107 

tions. Tlioy tend to rcnilcr alien to each otlier those who 
ought to be bound togetlier by fraternal affection.' 

"The purposes of the party -uerc still further disclosed, 
■when they assembled in their National Convention, to give 
formal and authentic expression to their political creed, 
and to select their candidate for the Presidency. In one 
of the resolutions adopted by tliat body, they avow the 
opinion that slaverj^ stands on the same level with poly- 
gamy, and denounce both as 'twin relics of barbarism.' 
By this declaration they seek to place all the Southern 
States outside of the pale of civilization, and to cover 
with obloquy and reproach the memory of ^Yashington, 
Jefferson, Henry, Madison, Marshall, Clay, Calhoun, 
Lowndes, and the whole host of Southern patriots, whose 
illustrious names constitute the brightest jewels in the 
treasury of our national fame. 

"When it was supposed that public opinion was suffi- 
ciently prepared for the announcement, we find the doc- 
trine openly proclaimed in various parts of the North, by 
the representative men of the Republican party, that there 
exists an irrepressible conflict between the social systems 
of the North and the South, which must progress until 
one or the other is exterminated. 

" Such is the organization, and such are the cardinal 
doctrines of the Republican party, as derived from the le- 
gitimate exponents of their faith and policy. 

" If we turn to the legislative action of the Northern 
States, in which that party has obtained the ascendancy, 



108 helper's i.mpexdixg crisis dissected. 

\ce find that it is in strlc^ conformity with their mischiev- 
ous dogmas. Their statute bouks are filled uith enact- 
ments conceived in a spirit of hostility to the institutions 
of the South, at war with the true intent and meaning of 
the Federal compact, and adopted for the avowed purpose 
of rendering nugatory some of the express covenants of 
the Constitution of the United States. 

"It would extend this report to an unreasonable length, 
if your committee should attempt to review this unfriendly 
legislation in detail. They will, therefore, content them- 
selves with a brief reference to some of the most prominent 
features of these laws. 

''3Iaine. 

"By the laws of this State it is provided, that if a fuori- 
tive slave shall be arrested, he shall be defended by the 
Attorney for the Commonwealth, and all expenses of such 
defense paid out of the public treasury. The use of all 
State and county jails, and of all buildings belonging to 
the State, are forbidden the reception or securing fugitive 
slaves ; and all officers are forbidden, under heavy penal- 
ties, from arresting or aiding in the arrest of such fu<i-i- 
tives. If a slaveholder, or other person, shall unlawfully 
seize or confine a fugitive slave, he shall bo liable to be 
imprisoned for not more than five years, or fined not 
exceeding ^1,000. If a slaveholder take a slave into the 
State, the slave is thereby made free ; and if the master 
undertake to exercise any control over him, he is subjected 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 109 

to imprisonment for not less than one year, or fined not 
exceeding $1,000. 

" The Dred Scott decision of the Supreme Court has 
been declared unconstitutional, and many offensive and 
inflammatory resolutions have been passed by the Legis- 
lature. 

^^ New Hampshire. 

"Your committee have not had access to a complete 
series of the laws of this State. But a general index, 
which has been consulted, shows that a law exists by which 
all slaves entering the State, either with or without the 
consent of their masters, are declared free ; and any at- 
tempt to capture or hold them is declared to be a felony. 

" Vermont. 

" This State seems to have entirely forgotten the con- 
servative and law-abiding sentiment which governed its 
action in the earlier period of her history. 

" Her law now forbids all citizens and oflicers of the 
State from executing or assisting to execute the fugitive 
slave law, or to arrest a fugitive slave, under penalty oi 
imprisonment for not less than one year, or a fine not ex- 
ceeding $1,000. It also forbids the use of all public jails 
and buildings, for the purpose of securing such slaves. 
The Attorneys for the State are directed, at public ex 
pense, to defend, and procure to be discharged, every per- 
son arrested as a fugitive slave. The habeas corpus act 
also provides that fugitive slaves shall be tried by jury, 



110 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

and interposes other obstacles to the execution of the fugi- 
tive slave law. 

" The law further provides, that all persons unlawfully 
capturing, seizing or confining a person as a fugitive slave, 
shall be confined in the State prison not more than ten 
years, and fined not exceeding $1,000. Every person held 
as a slave, who shall be brought into the State, is declared 
free ; and all persons who shall hold or attempt to hold as 
a slave any person so brought into the State, in any form, 
or for any time, however short, shall be confined in the 
State prison not less than one nor more than fifteen years, 
and fined not exceeding $2,000. The Legislature has also 
passed sundry offensive resolutions. 

" 3IassacJiusetts. 

"The laws of this State forbid, under licavy penalties, 
her citizens, and State and county officers, from executino' 
the fugitive slave law, or from arresting a fugitive slave, 
or from aiding in either; and denies the use of her jails 
and public buildings for such purposes. 

The Governor is required to appoint commissioners in 
every county to aid fugitive slaves in recovering their free- 
dom, when proceeded against as fugitive slaves, and all 
costs attending such proceedings are directed to be paid 
by the State. 

"Any person who shall remove, or attempt to remove, 
or come into the State with the intention to remove or 
assist in removing any person who is not a fugitive slave, 



helper's impendincj crisis DT?SECTEJ). Ill 

within the meaning of the Constitution, is liublc to punish- 
ment by fine not less than $1,000 nor more than $5,000, 
and imprisonment not less than one nor more than five 
years. 

" Their habeas corpus act gives trial by jury to fugitive 
slaves, and interposes other unlawful impediments to the 
execution of the fugitive slave law. Iler Legislature has 
also passed violent and offensive resolutions. 

" Connecticut. 

" This State, which as late as 1840 tolerated slavery 
■within her own borders, as appears by the Census of that 
year, prohibits, under severe penalties, all her officers from 
aiding in executing the fugitive slave law, and vacates all 
official acts which may be done by them in attempting to 
execute that law. 

"By the Act of 1854, Sec. 1, it is provided, that every 
person who shall falsely and maliciously declare, represent, 
or pretend that any person entitled to freedom is a slave, 
or owes service or labor to any person or persons, with 
intent to procure or to aid or assist in procuring the forci- 
ble removal of such free person from this State as a slave, 
shall pay a fine of §5,000, and shall be imprisoned five 
years in the State prison. 

" ' Sec. 2. In all cases arising under this act, the truth 
of any declaration, representation or pretense that any per- 
son being or having been in this State, is or was a slave, 
or owes or did owe service or labor to any other person or 



112 UELPEll'S IMPENDING Clll.SrS DISSECTED. 

persons, shall not be deemed proved, except by the testi- 
mony of at least two credible witnesses testifying to facts 
directly tending to the truth of such declaration, pretense 
or representation, or by legal evidence equivalent thereto.' 

" Sec. 3 subjects to a fine of $5,000 and imprisonment 
in the State prison for. five years, all who shall seize any 
person entitled to freedom, with intent to have such person 
held in slavery. 

" Sec. 4 prohibits the admission of depositions in all cases 
under this act, and provides that if any witness testifies 
falsely in belialf of the party accused and prosecuted un- 
der this act, he shall be fined $5,000 and imprisoned for 
five years in the State prison. This law is, in the opinion 
of your committee, but little short of an invitation to per- 
jury, by imposing no penalties for false swearing agaiii!<t 
the party accused. 

"The resolutions of the Legislature are oiTensive and 
disorganizing. 

'^ Rliode Island. 

" The statutes of Rhode Island provide that any one 
who transports, or causes to be transported by land or 
water, any person lawfully inhabiting therein, to any place 
without the limits of the State, except by due course of 
law, shall be imprisoned not less than one nor more than 
ten years. They also prohibit all ofiicers from aiding in 
executing the fugitive slave law, or arresting a fugitive 
slave, and deny the use of her jails and public buildings 
for securing any such fugitive. 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 113 

''New York. 

"This State has enacted that every person Avho shall, 
without hx^Yful authority, remove or attempt to remove from 
this State any fugitive slave, shall forfeit to the party at^- 
grieved, five hundred dollars, and be imprisoned not 
exceeding ten years in the State prison ; and all accessories 
after the fact are also liable to imprisonment. 

" The habeas corpus act provides that fugitive slaves shall 
be entitled to trial by jury, and makes it the duty of all 
Commonwealth's Attorneys to defend fugitive slaves at the 
expense of the State. 

" New York has a fugitive law of her own, which is of no 
practical use, and has forbidden her judicial officers from 
proceeding under any other law. 

" Prior to 1841, persons not inhabitants of the State were 
allowed to take their slaves with them, and to keep them 
in the State for a limited time ; but the law has been re- 
pealed. 

" New Jersey. 

" Her law provides that if any person shall forcibly take 
away from this State any man, woman or child, bond or 
free, into another State, he shall be fined not exceeding 
$1,000 or by imprisonment at bard labor not exceeding 
five years, or both. 

" The habeas corpus act gives a trial by jury to fugitive 
slaves, and all judicial officers are prohibited from acting 
under any other than the lav,^ of New Jersey. 
10* 



114 uelper's impending crisis dissected. 

" PennsTjlvania. 

" Prior to 1847, non-resi dent owners of slaves were 
allowed to retain them in Pennsylvania not exceeding six 
months. In 1847, this privilege was revoked. Slaves 
are also allowed to testify in all cases in the courts of Penn- 
sylvania. It is further provided by law, that any person 
* who violently and tumultuously seizes upon any negro 
or mulatto, and carries such negro away to any place, 
either with or without the intention of taking such negro 
before a district or circuit judge, shall be fined not exceed- 
ing §1,000, and imprisoned in the county jail not exceed- 
ing three months. The law also punishes, with heavy fine 
and imprisonment in the penitentiary, any person who may 
forcibly carry away, or attempt to carry away, any free 
negro or mulatto from the States. The sale of fugitive 
slaves is prohibited under heavy penalties, and a trial by 
jury is secured to fugitive slaves, in violation of the laws 
of the United States. 

^^ Illinois. 

"Illinois has prohibited, under pain of imprisonment 
of not less than one nor more than seven years, any per- 
son from stealing or arresting any slave, with the design 
of takino; such slave out of the State, without first havinsr 
established his claim thereto, according to the laws of the 
United States. These penalties will be incurred by the 
master who pursues his slave across the border, and appre- 



helper's impending CIIISIS DISSECTED. 115 

hends him without waiting for the action of commissioner 
or courts. 

" Indiana. 

" Some of the laws of this State are favorable to the 
recovery of fugitives from labor. But the law as to kid- 
napping is similar to that of Illinois, as above noted, 
except that the penalties are greater. The fine is not less 
than $100 nor more than $5,000, and the term of impri- 
sonment not less than two nor more than fourteen years. 

" Ohio. 

" In 1858, the most offensive parts of the laws of this 
State were repealed. It is understood, however, that 
measures are in contemplation, if they have not been already 
initiated, to re-enact them. 

" 3IicMgan. 

" The laAvs of this State are peculiarly obnoxious to criti- 
cism. They not only deny the use of the jails and public 
buildings to secure fugitive slaves, and require the Attor- 
neys for the Commonwealth to defend them at the expense 
of the State, but the law of Connecticut in relation to the 
punishment of persons falsely alleging others to be slaves, 
is adopted, with the addition that any person who carries 
a slave into this State, claiming him as such, shall be pun- 
ished by imprisonment in the State prison for a period not 
exceeding ten years, or by a fine not exceeding $1,000. 



116 HELrER's IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 

" The Itahcas corpus act provides for trial by jury of 
claims to fugitive slaves. 

" Resolutions have also been adopted by tlie Legislature, 
urging the repeal of the fugitive slave law, and the prohi- 
bition of slavery in the District of Columbia and the terri- 
tories. 

" Wiseonshi. 

" Following the example of her sister States of the North, 
in parts of their hostile legislation, this State has, in some 
particulars, gone beyond all the rest. She has directed 
her District Attorneys, in all cases of fugitive slaves, to 
appear for and defend them at the expense of the State. 
She has required the issue of the writ of habeas corpus, on 
the mere statement of the District Attorney that a person 
in custody is detained as a fugitive slave, and directs all her 
judicial and executive ofScers who have reason to believe 
that a person is about to be arrested or claimed on such 
ground, to give notice to the District Attorney of the 
county where the person resides. If a judge, in vacation, 
fails to discharge the arrested fugitive slave on habeas cor- 
pus, an appeal is allowed to the next circuit Court. Trial 
by jury is to be granted at the election of either party, 
and all costs of trial, which would otherwise fall on the 
fugitive, are assumed by the State. A law has also been 
enacted, similar to that of Connecticut, for the punishment 
of one who shall falsely and maliciously declare a person 
to be a fugitive slave, with intent to aid in procuring the 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 117 

forcible removal of such person from the State as a slave. 
A section is added to the provisions of this Connecticut 
law, for the punisliment, by imprisonment in the State 
prison, of any person who shall obstruct the execution of 
a warrant issued under it, or aid in the escape of the per- 
son accused. Another section forbids the enforcement of 
a judgment recovered for violation of the 'fugitive slave 
act,' by the sale of any real or personal property in the 
State, and makes its provisions applicable to judgments 
theretofore rendered. 

"The law relative to kidnapping punishes the forcible 
seizure, without lawful authority, of any person of color, 
with intent to cause him to be sent out of the State or 
sold as a slave, or in any manner to transfer his service or 
labor, or the actual selling or transferring the service of 
such person, by imprisonment in the State prison from 
one to two years, or by fine from five hundred to one 
thousand dollars. The CQnsent of the person seized, sold 
or transferred, not to be a defense, unless it appear to the 
'jury that it was not obtained by fraud, nor extorted by 
duress or by threats. 

^^ Iowa. 

" The law of this State is similar to that of Indiana, 
except that here there seems to be no direct provision 
favoring the recovery of fugitive slaves. Like that of 
Indiana and Illinois, the laAv as to kidnapping may be so 
construed as greatly to obstruct the arrest of such fugi- 
tives. The maximum of punishment is, however, some- 



118 helper's impe:nDixo crisis dissected. 

thing less, being five years in the State prison, and a fine 
of .$1,000. 

" Offensive resolutions have also been adopted by its 
Legislature. 

" 3Iinnesota. 

"What is to be objected to the legislation of this State 
is, that there is no sufficient recognition of the right of 
the master to recover his fugitive slave ; and consequently, 
even if such Avas not the design of the omission, the way 
is left open for the perversion of the law relative to the 
writ of habeas corpus, to the injury of slave owners. 

" Such are some of the evidences derived from official 
sources, of the rapid growth of unkind feelings among the 
people of the North to their brethren of the South. But 
there are others, which are too significant to be entirely 
overlooked. 

" The recent debates in the Congress of the United 
States have disclosed the remarkable fact, that sixty-eight 
Republican members of Congress have united in a written 
endorsement and recommendation to public favor, of an 
atrocious libel on Southern institutions, prepared by a 
man who was openly denounced, on the floor of the Senate 
of the United States, by a Senator from his own State, 
as unworthy of trust and confidence. This infamous 
publication, thus commended to public approval by the 
regularly accredited representatives of near six millions 
of Northern people, abounds in the most insidious appeals 
to the non-slaveholders of tho Southern States, and seeks 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 119 

to inflame the mimlg of the shives of the South, and to 
incite tliem to rise in rehelliou against the autlioritv of 
their masters ; to murder tlieui and their families, and to 
ravage the country -with fire and sword. Yet, with a full 
knowledge of all these facts, one of the endorsers of this 
libel on fifteen States of the confederacy, has been nomi- 
nated and persistently pressed by the members of the 
Republican party, for election to the Speakership of the 
House of Representatives of the United States ; and not 
one of the members of that party has been restrained, 
by reason of that endorsement, from giving him a cordial 
support. 

" Thus, under a Constitution formed to ' establish 
justice, ensure domestic tranquillity^, provide for the 
common' defense, promote the general welfare, and secure 
the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity,' 
we behold a large number of tli^ representatives of the 
people, who had sworn to support that Constitution, 
lending all their influence, personal and official, to defeat 
the great objects for which it was formed, to array section 
against section, and to fill the country with all the horrors 
of servile insurrection and intestine strife. • 

"Your committee might also refer to the off'ensive tone 
of a portion of the Northern press and pulpit, and to the 
libellous resolutions of numerous popular assemblies in 
the Northern States, as evi<lence3 of the decline of that 
spirit of fraternity and unity which animated our fathers 
in the days of our revolutionary struggle. These are the 



120 HELPEll'S IMPENDINQ CRISIS DISSECTED. 

ordinary channels through wliich public opinion makes 
itself heard and felt. But it would probably be uncharit- 
able to the Northern people to hold them responsible for 
all the ravings of fanatical agitators ; and we therefore 
prefer to rely on those authentic manifestations of un- 
friendly feeling proceeding from the official representatives 
of the people, and for which the constituent body is justly 
responsible. 

" Your committee cheerfully acquit a large number of 
the Northern people of any positive and active participa- 
tion in these aggressions on Southern rights and interests. 
The recent demonstrations of popular feeling made in 
some of the Northern cities, are accepted in the spirit in 
which they were ofiered. But abstract resolutions in 
favor of the guarantees of the Constitution are of no 
avail, unless they are followed by corresponding action. 
As long as the conservative people of the North remain 
passive, and permit agitators and fanatics and enemies of 
the South to fill positions of public trust, and to speak 
and to act on behalf of their respective States, they 
cannot escape the responsibility which attaches to their 
declarations and acts. Those who have it in their power 
to prevent the perpetration of a wrong, and fail to exer- 
cise that power, must to a great extent be responsible for 
the wrong itself. 

" Thus the conservative men of the North are respon- 
sible for the organization and action of the Republican 
party. It was their duty to have prevented it, and they 



helper's niPENDIXG CRISIS DISSECTED. 121 

had the power to fulfill thr^t duty. They preferred, how- 
ever, to remain inactive, and thus permitted the Ilcpub- 
lican party to obtain the ascendency in the State and 
national councils. They could not have been ignorant of 
the fact that such an organization must necessarily prove 
dangerous to the Union. They must have foreseen that a 
party organized on the basis of hostility to slavery ex- 
tension, would very soon become a party opposed to 
slavery itself. The whole argument against the extension 
of slavery is soon, by a very slight deflection, made to 
bear against the existence of slavery, and thus the anti- 
extension idea is merged in that of abolition. Accord- 
ingly we find, notwithstanding the denial by the Repub- 
lican party of any purpose to interfere with slavery Avhere 
it exists, that the tendency of its policy is to its extermi- 
nation everywhere. 

" The logical consequences of their teachings have been 
exhibited in the recent raid at Harper's Ferry; and so 
long as that party maintains its present sectional organiza- 
tion, and inculcates its present doctrines, the South can 
expect nothing less than a succession of such traitorous 
attempts to subvert its institutions and to incite its slaves 
to rapine and murder. The crimes of John Brown were 
neither more nor less than practical illustrations of the 
doctrines of the leaders of the Republican party. The 
very existence of such a party is an oft'cnse to the whole 
South. 

Whether the recent outrages perpetrated upon the soil 
11 



122 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

and citizens of Virginia will have the efTect of awakening 
the conservative sentiment of the North into efficient 
action, remains to be seen. Your committee cannot relin- 
quish the hope that such will be its effect, and that thus 
good may come out of evil. Your committee have no 
appeals or remonstrances to address to their fellow-citizens 
of the North. They doubtless comprehend their obliga- 
tions under the Constitution to the people of the South. 
If they shall in future show a readiness to fulfill those ob- 
ligations, Virginia and the other Southern States are pre- 
pared to bury the past in oblivion, and to respond with 
cordiality to every manifestation of a returning spirit of 
fraternity. As Virginia was among the foremost in the 
struggle for national independence, and contributed as 
much as any other State to the formation of the constitu- 
tional Union, she would be among the last to abandon it, 
provided its obligations be faithfully observed. Her sons 
having been educated to cherish 'a cordial, habitual and 
immovable attachment to our national Union — accustomed 
to think and speak of it as the palladium of their political 
safety and prosperity', Avatching for its preservation with 
jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may suggest 
even a suspicion that it may in any event be abandoned, 
and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every 
attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the 
rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together 
■ the various parts.' 

" But the Union which they have been taught to love 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 123 

and revere is the Union contemplated bj the Constitution — 
a Union of conununitics liaving equal rights — a Union regu- 
lated and governed by the principles of the Constitution — 
a Union of sovereign States, entitled to regulate their do- 
mestic affairs in their own way, and bound to fulfill their 
obligations to each other with scrupulous fidelity. When 
it shall cease to be such a Union, it will have forfeited all 
claims to their respect and affection. Virginia feels that 
she has discharged her whole duty to her sister States, and 
she asks nothing from them that is not guaranteed to her 
by the plain terms of the federal compact. She has not 
sought officiously to intermeddle with the domestic concerns 
of other States, and she demands that they shall refrain 
from all interference with hers. 

"But it is clear, from the review of the condition of the 
public sentiment of the Northern States for the last five 
years, as indicated by their legislation, and in other au- 
thentic forms, that many of their people have ceased to 
iTspect the rights of the Southern States, to recognize the 
obligations of the federal compact, or to cherish for us 
those friendly sentiments which gave birth to the CofTsti- 
tution of the United States. A proper sense of self-respect 
and the instinct of self-preservation, therefore, require 
that we should adopt such measures as may be necessary 
to secure ourselves against future aggression, and to meet 
every emergency which may hereafter jirise. We desire 
nothing but friendly relations with our sister States of the 
North. We ask of them nothing to which they have not 



124 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

solemnly bound themselves by the compact of the Consti- 
tution. But we understand our rights, and "vve are reso- 
lutely determined to maintain them. Vve disclaim all 
aggressive purposes. But when Ave are threatened with 
the knife of the assassin and torch of the incendiary, we 
cannot fold our arms in blind security. We have no desire 
to rupture the political, commercial or social ties ■which 
bind us to the North, so long as our rights are respected; 
but, admonished by the past, it is our duty to prepare for 
the future by placing ourselves in an attitude of defense, 
and by adopting such measures as may be necessary fur 
our security and welfire. 

"Your committee, therefore, recommend to the General 
Assembly, the following resolutions for adoption: 

"1. Resolved^ That the appropriate standing committees 
of the two Houses of the General Assembly be instructed 
to prepare and report such bills as in their judgment may 
be necessary to organize, arm and equip the militia of the 
State for active and efficient service 

"2. Resolved, That the committees on finance be in- 
structed to prepare and report such bills as in their judg- 
ment may be most effectual (without violating the provi- 
sions of the Constitution of the United States) in encour- 
aging the domestic manufactures of our own State, pro- 
moting direct trade with foreign countries, and establishing, 
as far as may be practicable, our commercial independence. 

"3. Resolved, That we earnestly invite the co-operation 



helper's IMPENDIXa CRISIS DISSECTED. 125 

(if our sister States of the South in carrjin^ out the policy 
indicated in the foregoing resolutions. 

"4. Resolved, That the committees for courts of justice 
he instructed to report such bills as may be necessary to 
secure the more prompt and effectual punishment of all 
foreign emissaries and others, who may be found guilty of 
conspiring against the peace of our community, or seeking 
to incite our slaves to insurrection. 

"5. Resolved, That the course of the late Governor, in 
regard to the Harper's Ferry affair, is amply vindicated 
by the evidence before the committee, and entitles him to 
the emphatic commendation of the country." 



Note. — When the British were overrunning the Southern Statea 
under Lord Cornwallis and Cockburn, they scattered proclamations 
broadcast, offering freedom and gold to the slaves if they would de- 
sert their masters. Yet, notwithstanding these offers of the British, 
very few negroes deserted their masters in the hour of their 
need ; but on the contrary fought hard for the protection of their 
masters and mistresses ; and such would prove to bo the case 
again, should war commence between the South and her enemies. 
At New Orleans, when the British under Lord Packenham marched 
against the city, inciting the blacks to turn against their masters 
and receive their freedom, they were answered with a volley of 
musketry, and no men fought harder at the Battle of New Orleans 
than the Negroes. What does this show but affection for the master ? 

In regard to the few slaves whom the British induced to desert 
their masters, the following will show how they were afterward 
treated. 

" Cockburn, the Commander of the British, returned to his barges 
with a valuable booty, and a number of slaves, whom he had 
induced to leave their masters under a promise of freedom, which, 
he afterward redeemed bii selling them in the West Indies." — Page 
137, "Breckenridge's History of the Late War." Such is the phi- 
lanthropic feeling that inspired the British (whom Helper, Seward & 
Co. are following in the footsteps of) during the late War. 

11* 



CHAPTER VI. 

Helper's Book Ruining the Trade of the North— Trade Crushed— 
The Bankruptcy of the entire North predicted— Helper's Advice 
to the North adopted by the entire South — Republican Party Re- 
sponsible for the Withdrawal of the Southern Trade—" The Shoe 
commences to Piuch"— Helper's Statistics of the Prices of Land 
in the South demolished. 

" Inscribed on the banner -uhich we llere^Yith unfurl 
to the world, ^Yith the full and fixed determination to stand 
by it or die b}-- it, unless one of more virtuous efficacj shall 
be presented, are the mottoes which, in substance, embody 
the principles, as we conceive, that should govern us in 
our patriotic warfare against the most subtle and insidious 
foe that ever menaced the inalienable rights and liberties 
and dearest interests of America ! 

1st. Thorough Organization and Independent Political 
Action on the part of the Non-slaveholding Whites of the 
South. 

2nd. Ineligibility of Slaveholders — Never another Vote 
to the Trafficker in Human Flesh. 

Srd. No Co-operation with Slaveholders in Politics — No 
Fellowship with them in Religion — No Affiliation with 
them in Society. 
(120) 



IliaPER'S IMPENDING ClllHlS DISSECTED. 127 

4th. No Patronage to Slavcholdir.g Merchants— No 
Gnestships in Slave-waiting Hotels — No Fees to Slave- 
holding Lawyers — No Employment of Slavcholding Phy- 
sicians — No Audience to Slavcholding Parsons. 

5th. No Recognition of Pro-slavery men, except as 
Ruffians, Outlaws and Criminals. 

Gth. Abrupt Discontinuance of Subscription to Pro- 
slavery Newspapers. 

7th. The greatest possible Encouragement to Free 
White Labor. 

8th. No more Hiring of Slaves by Non-slaveholders. 

9th. Immediate Death to Slavery ; or, if not immediate, 
Unqualified Proscription of its Advocates during the Pe- 
riod of its Existence. 

10th. A Tax of Sixty Dollars on every Slaveholder for 
each and every Negro in his possession at the present 
time, or at any intermediate time between now and the 
4th of July, 1863 ; said money to be applied to the 
transportation of the Blacks to Liberia, to their coloniza- 
tion in Central or South America, or to their comfortable 
settlement within the boundaries of the United States. 

11th. An additional Tax of Forty Dollars per annum, 
to be levied annually, on every Slaveholder for each and 
every Negro found in his possession after the 4th of July, 
1863 ; said money to be paid into the hands of the Ne- 
groes so held in slavery ; or, in cases of death, to their 
next of kin, and to be used by them at their own option." 
Pp. 155-6. 



128 helper's impending cuisis dissected. 

Such is the platform as laid down bj Helper, and 
adopted by sixty-ci<^ht Members of Congress of tho 
"Black Republican Partj." Ys'e shall taivc this, then, as 
the platform of the lle[)ublican party, as it uas under the 
direction of the ^'■Publisldng Committee,'' of that party, that 
Helper's incendiary -VNork Avas published, the proceeds of 
■which are to be used in buying up the votes o^ free negroes 
and poor, miserable outcasts as well as disaffected persons, 
for the support of their nominee, and to make war on one 
part of our confederacy with. Conservative people of the 
North ! ! will you submit to the party adopting such a 
platform ever assuming the reins of power of this gov- 
ernment ? 

Now, let us see how this platform will woyV. The 
South, having in view her safety as well as danger, has, to 
a certain extent, (and will soon fully) adopted the first 
sentence of the fourth section of Helper's platform, (^, e., 
Republican,) with the following modification : "No Patron- 
age to NortlLern (Sectional) Merchants." Lot us consider 
the result that has followed the adoption of the above, — 
without further comment, as it speaks for itself. And, in 
doing so, we would present to the consideration of the 
reader the present state of affairs in New England, tho 
whole of which is attributable to the interference of tho 
North with Southern rights and Southern institutions. 

MANUFACTORIKS IN THE SOUTH, AS COPIED FROM THE CORRES- 
rONDENT OF THE NEW YORK UERAED. 

Columbus, Ga., Feb. 3, 18G0. 
In these noii-iutcrcoursc and disunion times, a sketch of the 



helper's IMPENDINa CRISIS DISSECTED. 129 

principal cotton and woolen mills in this State may not prove 
uninteresting to your readers. Tho.t Georgia is a great manu- 
facturing as well as producing State I think there can be no 
doubt. For years past, all the coarse plantation goods con- 
sumed within tlie borders of the State have been manufactured, 
not in New England, but at home. Besides some thirty cotton 
and woolen mills now in successful operation, there are numer- 
ous machine shops, foundries, and paper mills, established in 
all the leading towns where there is water power, while flour 
mills and distilleries are common in every village. With the 
natural advantages afforded the people, in the shape of water 
power and a long navigable river, it is no wonder that they 
should have made the attempt to compete with Northern 
manufacturers. That thoy have succeeded in making coarse 
goods as cheap as they can be made in New England, is pretty 
evident. Let non-intercourse be established, and how easy 
will it be for -Georgia to supply half of the Southern States 
with plantation goods such as she now manufactures. Even 
to-day, her fabrics find their way into Alabama and Missis- 
sippi, and so pressing is the demand upon manufacturers la 
this city, that they find it difficult to supply the numerous 
orders sent to them daily. The mills are all doing a thriving 
business, and are increasing in size and number every year. 
By-and-by, fine goods will be manufactured here, and the mil- 
lions annually spent at the North for prints, muslins, etc., will 
be expended here at home among our own manufacturers. 
How will Massachusetts feel then ? 

Columbus, at the head of steam navigation on the Chatta- 
hookee river, is destined to become one of the largest manu- 
facturing places in the South. The fall of the river at this 
point is fourteen feet, and with the present dam it is calculated 
there is sufficient power to drive 194,8'7'7 spindles, and consume 
48,000 bales of cotton annually. There are five mills now in 
operation, each doing a thriving business. The Eagle Manu- 



130 helper's impexdixg crisis dissected. 

facturing Company's mills rank first perhaps in point of im- 
portance. They are carried on under the superintendence of 
J. llliodes Brown, and hare been in operation since 1850. 
About 300,000 pounds of wool and 1,600 bales of cotton are 
annually consumed, producing about $225,000 worth of goods. 
The building is a very massive one, the walls being thirty-four 
inches thick at the base. It is four stories and basement high. 
Each floor is supported by girders 12 by 14 inches thick, and 
three rows of substantial columns. The flooring is four inches 
in thickness, and constructed of two layers of planking. The 
basement is occupied as a picking-room, where there are three 
machines attended by six hands. The wool carding-room is 
also on this floor. There are seven sets of cards, employing 
twelve persons. The first floor is used for carding cotton. On 
this floor there are forty-eight carding machines, with the ne- 
cessary drawing machines and speeders, employing twenty 
hands, mostly boys. The weaving room is on th(*second floor. 
Here there are 136 looms in operation, giving employment to 
some seventy girls, two overseers, and a few small boys. Each 
loom is capable of manufacturing from thirty-five to forty yards 
of osnaburgs and kerseys a day. The most skillful of the girls 
receive one dollar a day, but there are many who get only fifty 
cents. On tlie third floor the spinning is carried on. There 
are thirty spinning frames and five thousand spindles in o]icra- 
tion, giving employment to seventy children. On this floor 
there are also spoolers and warpers necessary to prepare yarn 
for the dressing and sizing frames; also a rope machine capable 
of turning out one hundred thousand pounds of rope annually, 
and machinery for the manufacture of cotton yarn and sewing 
thread. On the fourth floor are twelve hundred and forty 
woolen spindles, warping mills, dressing and sizing frames and 
beaming machines, employing about twenty hands. Connected 
with the mill is a dyeing establishment, and the office of the 
agent. About 225 operatives in all are employed in this estab- 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 131 

lislinient. Tlie Eagle Mills do a flourishing business. Last 
year a dividend of ten per cent, was declared ; this year it will 
be increased to twelve per cent. Nothing but o^naburgs, ker- 
seys and jeans are manufactured. 

The Howard Mills, in the same neighborhood, employ some 
200 hands, and manufacture nothing but cotton goods. 5,0U0 
spindles are in o])eration. 

The Grant Mills employ about 100 hands in the manufacture 
of osnaburgs and kerseys. 

The Columbus Factory, situated about three miles above the 
city, manufactures osnaburgs and kerseys. There is a boot and 
shoe factory, a tan-yard and flour mill attached. Some 200 
hands are employed in this establishment. 

The Cowetta Falls Factory, established in 1844, employs 
some seventy-flve operatives. 2,*r00 spindles are in operation. 

The Macon Manufacturing Company, at Macon, manufac- 
ture a superior article of sheeting and shirtings, employing 
some 180 hands. 

At Seven Islands, on the Ocmulgee river, is the Planter's 
Factory, — spindles 3,200, employing 75 hands. 

The Milledgeville Manufacturing Company, at Milledgcville, 
employ about 120 operatives, and run 3,136 spindles, princi- 
pally in the manufacture of osnaburgs and sheetings. 

Sweet Water Cotton factory, situated on Sweet Water 
creek, in Campbell county, is designed for 6,000 spindles and 
90 looms. 

Bowen's factory, on Snake creek, Carroll county, employs 
some 50 hands. 

Athens Manufacturing Company, in Clark county, — 2,500 
spindles. Nnml)er of operatives, 90. 

Princeton Manufacturing Cora}>any, on the Oconee river, two 
miles below Athens. Cotton spindles, 2,184, wool do., 240. 

Mars Hill factory, on Barber's creek, seven miles below 
Athens. Spindles, 350. Looms, 12. 



132 iielpek's impending crisis dissected. 

White's Georgia factory, also on Barber's creek. Spindles, 
1,704. Looms, 20. 

Schley's cotton mills, about 10 miles from Augusta, employ 
a large numljer of hands. 

Roswell Manufacturing Company, on Yickery's creek, Cobb 
county, — two mills, 10,000 spindles, employing about 350 per- 
sons. Heavy cotton goods only manufactured. 

Augusta Manufacturing Company, near Augusta ; spindles, 
10,000 ; looms, 200, each capable of turning out from forty 
to forty-five yards per day. Number of operatives employed, 
400. 

On Broad river, four miles above its junction with Savannah, 
there is a cotton factory which employs nearly 100 hands. 
5,000 spindles are in operation. 

Long Shoals factory in Greene County, and Skull Shoals, in 
the same neighborhood, manufacture a large quantity of cotton 
goods. 

In Henry County, near McDonough, there is a large factory 
in operation. 

High Shoals factory, on the Appalacbee river, makes domes- 
tics and yarns. 

Eaton Manufacturing Company, on Little river, runs 1,836 
spindles and thirty-six looms, 

Richmond factory, on Spirit creek, near Augusta, runs 
1,500 spindles and forty looms. Number of operatives 
seventy. 

Troup factory, near Lagrange, runs 1,600 spindles, and 
employs sixty-five operatives in the manufacture of osnaburgs. 
Franklin factory, on Tobler's creek, Upson County, runs 
1,320 spindles. 

Wayman's factory, on the same stream, runs 1,664 spindles 
and twenty-six looms. 

Flint River factory, runs 1,560 spindles and twenty-six 
looms. 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 133 

Thomaston factory, on Potato creek, TJpson County, rnns 
1,260 spindles, and employs fifty bands. 

Rock Mills factory, on the Ogeecbee river, Warren County, 
runs 600 spindles, employing forty bands. 

Brothers' factory, in the same neighborhood, runs 1,000 
spindles and employs thirty hands. 

Joy Mill, on Yickery creek, manufactures colored stuffs for 
pantaloons, and employs some fifty hands. 

The operatives in all these factories are white people, chiefly 
girls and boys from twelve to twenty years of age. On an 
average, they are better paid and worked easier than is usually 
the case in the North. Country girls from tlie pine forests, as 
green and awkward as it is possible to find them, soon become 
skillful operatives, and ere they have been in the mills a year, 
they are able to earn from four to six dollars a week. They 
are only required to work ten hours a day. Particular atten- 
tion is paid to the character of the operatives ; and in some 
mills, none are received but those having testimonials of good 
moral chai-acter and industrious habits. Churches and Sunday- 
schools are also attached to several of the manufactories, so 
that the religious training of the operatives may be properly 
attended to. 

LOUISIANA. 

New Orleans, Jan. 25, 1860. 
The State of Louisiana was never in a more prosperous 
condition than now. The new Governor, Thomas 0. Moore, 
has just been sworn into office, and begins his administration 
under the most auspicious circumstances. There is a surplus 
of $130,000 in the State treasury. The critical condition of 
national affairs, precipitated by the champions of the " irre- 
pressible conflict," seems to overshadow all differences of local 
polities, and it is the universal sentiment that the Soulli must 
brace itself to meet the "impending crisis." Virginia and 
12 



134 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

the border States will not be left to sustain, unaided, the brunt 
of the battle with Abolitionism. Already a bill has been in- 
troduced into the State Legislature, appropriating $25,000 as 
Louisiana's quota toward a fund to be contributed by the 
Southern States, to repay to Virginia the outlay she has in- 
curred in hanging the Brown gang. The bill will pass, beyond 
a doubt. Yery active measures have also been taken to arm 
and organize the militia. It is now settled that our heavy 
houses will import direct from Europe fur the future. Indeed, 
the only wo)ider is that they have not taken this step long ago. 
The leading wholesale dry goods dealers are prominent in ihc 
movement. A cotton factory on a very extensive scale is soon 
to go into operation. A vessel freighted with all the requisite 
machinery arrived on Saturday, and is now dischargiug. 
Every expedient is being adopted to render this section, as far 
as may be, independent of the North ; and there is even a 
project on foot among some of our wealthy and spirited capi- 
talists to start a large publishing house in this city — a branch 
of enterprise in which our i)eople have, until now, been sadly 
inert. There can be no doubt that such a business, once es- 
tablished, would he liberally sustained. Commercially speaking, 
the last week has been the most active ever known here. The 
sales of cotton amounted to 97,500 bales. That number has 
uever been equalled here, and but twice, I believe, in Liver- 
pool. A larger proportion than ever, of cotton, is this year 
shipped to France. In a few years, Havre will rival Liverpool 
in its cotton imports. The direct cotton trade with St. Peters- 
burg is also rapidly on the increase. On a single day last 
week, no less than three ships, freighted with bales, cleared for 
Cronstadt. It was believed that about the middle of the 
present month the receipts of cotton would begin to slacken 
off; but there are, as yet, uo signs of a decrease. Shippers 
are consequently busy, and freights continue stiff. 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 135 



IOWA. 

Iowa City, Jan. 27, 18G0. 

The excitement attending the John Brown foray is fast dying 
out in the Northwest, and in no State faster Uian in Iowa. 
True, the same spirit that gave rise to tlie outburst of puhh'c 
feeling upon the occasion of Brown's execution, is still here, 
but it requires some sudden bhist to fan it to a flame. For tlie 
time being, lleljier's boolv served to feed the morbid abolition 
appetite of the Brownites of Iowa, and the deeds of the heroic 
martyr are seemingly forgotten. 

Next to Michigan, Iowa is the most completely and thor- 
oughly abolitionized State in the Northwest; it is, therefore, 
not surprising that Brown here found practical exponents of 
Sevvardism, or that Helper finds champions in the deliberative 
councils of the rulers of the State. Whatever dodges the 
Republican party elsewhere may resort to, to cover their par- 
ticipation, directly or indirectly, with Brown's attack on 
Harper's Ferry, or shield themselves from complicity with the 
circulation of Helper's book, the Republicans of Iowa feel 
themselves strong enough to throw off the mask and boldly 
avow their sympathy with the one and their approval of the 
other. A Republican county convention, held at Muscatine 
a short time since, passed a resolution endorsing Helper's book 
and recommending its circulation. This is the first public 
endorsement of the book that I have yet heard of; but I have 
yet to meet the first Republican, here or elsewhere, who has 
read the book, who does not endorse it and recommend its 
circulation. John Sherman may prove an exception, and 
entertain opinions in regard to the book contrary td those of 
the Republican party generally, but he is sustained from day 
to day by men whose constituents I know openly avow their 
approval of the " Impending Crisis," and who recommend its 
circulation. Large numbers of the book are being sold 



136 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

throughont the Northwest, and if the work possesses any merit, 
its influence must be powerful 

MISSOURI. 

St. Louis, Mo., Feb. 1, 1860. 

Politics and politicians in Missouri are considerably mixed 
just now, and withal somewhat disturbed, arising chiefly from 
local matters. John Brown is dead, and his memory has scarce 
an abiding place in this State, while "Helper's Impending 
Crisis" flourishes not at all. The absence of two such power- 
ful incentives to inflame the public mind in the border States 
necessarily gives the sober second thought ample scope for the 
undisturbed exercise of its true functions ; and, as a sequence, 
the public mind in Missouri is unusually quiet upon matters of 
general interest. 

The excitement attending the raid upon Harper's Ferry sub- 
sided with the death of John Brown, and little is now thought 
or said concerning the matter; and, although a border State, 
and exposed upon all sides to the forays of fanatics and aboli- 
tion outlaws, the people repose implicit confidence in their 
ability to repel invasion or suppress insurrection, and pursue 
the "even tenor of their way," and pay little heed to the howl 
of disunion that rises upon every side. 

A majority of the people of Missouri are undoubtedly in 
favor of perpetuating the "peculiar institution," not from any 
deep-seated love for the institution itself, but chiefly because it 
is profitable ; and, so long as it continues to be so, it will never 
be abolished. In fact, it is now steadily increasing. The last 
report of the Secretary of State shows an increase of about 
1,200 in the slave population of the State during the past 
year. In 1840 the slave population of Missouri numbered 
58,240, and in 1850, 87,422. It now amounts to about 110,000. 
In 1840 the number of free blacks in the State was 1,574, and 
in 1850 they numbered 2,618. They now number about 3,500. 
10* 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 137 

The total colored population of the State is therefore less than 
115,000, while the total white population cannot fall much, if 
any, below a million. 

The only fruit of the Harper's Ferry emeule visible in Mis- 
souri, is the act to abolish free blacks, which passed the Legis- 
lature, but was vetoed by the Governor. The peojjle are de- 
termined, however, that the act shall become a law in spite of 
the veto, and the next Legislature will doubtless pass the bill 
over the Governor's head. 

NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

Peterboro, N. H., Feb. 1, 1860. 

This is a part of the Granite State in which the manufactu- 
rers of woolen goods have little to say. Some of them went 
down to Boston a few weeks since, and purchased a large amount 
of the raw material at a great wool gathering there had, and 
returned to Peterboro pretty well satisfied with their bargains. 
Mr. Joseph Noone, a prominent gentleman in this part of New 
Hampshire, so far as the manufacture of woolen goods and a 
gentle slice of politics are concerned, is among the prominent 
and influential citizens of the place. Peterboro is also the 
residence of ex-Gov. John H. Steele, who, whenever he speaks, 
means something. He has probably one of the strongest minds, 
even in his advanced age, that exists in New Hampshire. He 
keeps the run of politics nationally, and was never known to 
falter in the true national line. With such men it is a pleasure 
to talk. Every word they utter is a word of wisdom, and 
should be treasured as such by the rising men of this genera- 
tion. Suppose we put a question to him. 

Ques. What do the Republicans in your locality say about 
the John Brown aflair ? 

Ans. (And we give the venerable old gentreraan's words in 
full.) They now say that Brown was a monomaniac, demented, 
insane, crazy ; but when the news first came that Brown had 
12* 



138 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

invaded Virginia, captured the United States arsenal, armory, 
&c., the joy of many of them was illy concealed. Not a word 
was heard from any of them condemning, or even censuring 
hira or his motives. On the contrary, there was not a little 
crowing and even exultation over the presumed cowardice of 
the Virginians. But as the facts became more and more 
known, and the motives better understood, those of the honest 
rank and iile began to censure Brown, and now and then one 
expressed the opinion that Brown deserved the fate which 
evidently awaited liim. 

Q. But what did the leaders of the Black Republicans do ? 

A. The leaders, or would-be leaders, were constantly invent- 
ing or propagating fallacious excuses for Brown's conduct ; and 
now and then one dared Virginia to enforce her laws — openly 
boasting that if she did, there would be increased converts to 
abolitionism. 

Q. What did the Democrats do, then ? 

A. The Democrats accused them of being accessory, either 
before or after the invasion, and of aiding and abetting treason, 
murder, arson and servile war. 

Q. What was their answer ? 

A. They in a measure shrank from the gulf which they had 
for years been so industriously and recklessly digging. It was 
tlien, and not till then, that we heard the stereotype pica of 
insanity. Not one word of hearty condemnation of tlie deed, 
l)ut a manifest feverish desire to smooth the matter over, to 
hush it up. 

Q. W^hat do the Pv,epublicans now say ? 

A. Now they are the most open-mouthed brawlers for State 
rights ; for not meddling with slavery in the Slates where it 
exists. Oh, no ! they arc for living up to the requirements of 
the Constitution — all except the stealing of negroes, and the 
rendition of slaves. 



HELPER S IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 139 

Q. Do you tliiiik that the Republicans are sincere in con- 
demning Brown and his acts ? 

A. I am satisfied that many, not all, of the Republicans 
regret that JJrown did not succeed ; and that every word of 
condemnation wiiich we occasionally hear from such men is 
only from the lips outward. 

Q. In youi- opinion, what will be the effect of the John 
Brown foray ? 

A. But one of two things may be safely predicted, namely, 
that the Southern people possess much more of the genuine 
principles of religion than do their calumniators and persecutors, 
thereby prompting thera to forgive their enemies, and to do 
good to those who si)itefully use them, or they will, as far as 
possible, cease to trade or buy from those who lose no ojjportu- 
uity to abuse thera, and even steal their property. 

Q. Suppose that course should widen the breach which now 
exists between the North and the South ? 

A. For one I should be loth to countenance, much less to 
recommend, a course by the South which would widen the 
breach that now so needlessly and unjustifiably exists between 
the North and the South. But is it reasonable even to hopo 
that the state of things now existing should much longer exist, 
without the South entering into combinations to prevent all 
trade, and even intercourse, between the South and North ? 

Beporfe?' — The Northern pco))le consider themselves so 
powerful that the idea of a Southern confederacy is deemed 
preposterous by them. 

Gov. Steele — I am well aware that so infatuated, so self- 
sufficient, has a large portion of the Northern people become, 
that they think and often express their belief that the South 
are much, if not entirely, dependent on the North even for a 
living. Nothing could be further from the facts ; for while no 
reasonable man can doubt the fact that while there is a just 



140 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

and manly intercourse between tlie North and South, they are 
mutually beneliclal to each other, let me ask, what is it that 
the South receives from the North which they cannot procure 
elsewhere ? Nothing, literally nothing. There is nothing I 
can now think of which the South receives from the North that 
cannot, and that, too, without much inconvenience, be obtained 
elsewhere ; while, on the contrary, what does the North receive 
from the South, which she can well do without? It is need- 
less to name more than one single article — cottou. Ask our 
numerous cotton manufacturers where they would procure their 
cotton, if not from the South ? 

Q. But suppose cotton should be raised elsewhere ? 

A. If the North should ask that question, the answer is 
readily at hand. Where is it or can it be had without slave 
labor so cheaply and in such quantities, and with such facili- 
ties, as from the South ? One of the main fabrics that com- 
prises the major part of the material which serves as garments 
for man, woman, child, and creatures of lesser dignity — which 
enters into almost every description of domestic cloth for 
domestic use — is more or less composed of cotton. Abolish 
free trade in cotton, and you will abolish our Northern cotton 
manufactories. 

Q. Are there no other enterprises in which the North are 
interested that would be injured by a separation of the North 
and the South ? 

A. Yes. Turn to our shipowners. Ask them where they 
are to obtain their outward-bound freight for Europe, if they 
cannot get the cotton, rice, tobacco, &c., of the South ? In 
short, the article of cotton is of equal, if not of more, impor- 
tance to the North than to the South. By its use thousands 
of our population are fed and clothed, and through its agency 
the Northern commerce is not only sustained, but an advan- 
tage gained which enables our shipping interest to compete 
with the world. 



helper's impending crisis DISSfeCTED. 141 

The above are some of the views of the clear-headed Gover- 
nor Steele in regard to some of the questions now pending — 
nationally. They are as well worthy of consideration as those 
of the lamented Silas Wright, of your State. 

The people here feel that the national men will make largo 
gains in the March election. The democrats are quite confi- 
dent. One indication of a change iu the sentiment of the 
jieople is that some of them have stopped the New York Tri- 
bune and are now taking the New York Herald and other 
liberal and intelligent papers, not excepting the democratic 
journals of the State. 

Another word from a friend in this goodly town : — Straws 
show which way the wind blows. Every thing is working well. 
John Brown's illustration of Black Republicanism is not accep- 
table to some of the party here. He was their last and best 
trump, and the only man amongst them who had the courage to 
})lay their black disunion game — and he played it out for them. 
If it had not been for John Brown and the Helper atrocity, we 
should have had the abolitionist Sherman, Speaker of the House 
before this. 

GEORGIA. 

Savannah, Jan. 31, 1860. 
Yesterday I *paid a visit to the rice plantation of Mr. S., 
^n the Savannah river, a few miles above the city, and had the 
pleasure of being " toted " all over the place, and seeing a little 
negro life in Georgia. This part of the country is noted for 
the number and fertility of its rice plantations, tire river hero 
affording the planters excellent irrigation, besides being so 
convenient for transporting the crop to market. Mr. S. had 
about 250 acres under cultivation, which yield him a crop of 
about 7,000 bushels annually. "When I arrived at the place a 
number of the negroes were engaged in burning the brush on 



142 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

some unimproved lands near by, preparatory to planting, ana 
what now appears to be a good for nothing looking waste, will, 
in the course of a few short months, be converted into a valu- 
able estate. The workmen all appeared happy and contented, 
and were as comfortably clothed as you would wish to see 
them. 

A short walk brought us to the "settlement," or habitations 
of the slaves, which were constructed in the usual manner, of 
pine boards neatly whitewashed, and elevated on piles some 
three or four feet above the surface of the ground. Xear by 
was the overseer's house, the barn, workshop, and a number of 
outhouses, all forming quite a little village. Upon inquiring 
how much food it took to bring the negroes to such a state of 
perfection, Mr. S. informed me that the allowance per head 
was 3i lbs. of bacon a week, and as much bread and vegetables 
as they could eat. Occasionally a little molasses was added to 
the regular fare, and in the snmmcrtimc they were freely sup- 
plied with milk. The fatter the bacon the more the negroes 
enjoyed it, and this was the case especially when there was 
much hard work to be done. It was the overseer's business to 
see that the cooking was properly done, and that the kitchen 
utensils were kept clean. The negroes were furnished with 
three suits of clothing every year, but frequently the children 
were obliged to have fonr. Each family was supplied with 
comfortable beds and bedding, and every inducement was held 
out to Sambo to abandon a weakness he has for sleeping on the 
bare floor. " It is a most difficult thing," said Mr. S., "to 
teach the negro the value and comfort of a good bed. Give 
liim the bare floor and a wood fire to half toast his head, and 
he prefers it to the softest conch." 

I noticed that there were no gardens attached to the cabins, 
and on asking the reason for their absenee, Mr. S. replied that 
he was opposed to the system a<lopted on most [ilantations of 



helper's impending cnisis dissected. 143 

giving the negroes little patches to ciiltivute, on the ground 
that it tended to bring the slaves in connection wilh traders, 
who would supply thcra with liquor, and entice them to commit 
petty thefts and do all manner of wickedness. He preferred 
giving them a present of five or ten dollars each at Christmas 
rather than put up with the annoyance. 

He had little trouble, he said, with the negroes, as far as 
sickness was concerned, the health of the entire sc'ttlemcnt 
being excellent from one end of the year to the other. As for 
whipping, he seldom resorted to that mode of correction. The 
greatest punishment he could inflict upon an offender was to 
threaten him with New Orleans. The sugar plantations of 
Louisiana were terrible places in the estimation of his negroes^ 
and the slightest threat to send any of them thither was far 
more effectual in securing obedience and respect than treating 
them to the lash. At noon he allows all his negroes to rest 
from half an hour to three hours, according to the season of 
the year. In spring time, for instance, when there is generally 
a good deal of heavy work to be performed, they were allowed 
only sufficient time to eat their dinners ; but as the days grew 
longer, and the heat of the sun began to be oppressive, the 
resting spell was was extended. In midsummer, when the 
heat is intense, the slaves were allowed three hours to rest, 
and an opportunity was afforded them to take a nap, which is 
found to be very refreshing and beneficial to the laborers, 
especially where the work is heavy. Wiiile engaged in the 
field they are supplied with fresh drinking water by one or two 
children appointed for that purpose, and on extra occasions 
they are treated to milk. When the day's work is done, some 
one in the gang strikes up a lively song, and they all proceed 
to their homes apparently as fresh and hearty as when they 
arose in the morning. Two or three times a month they get up a 
dance, and go through a cotillon and a reel as correctly as the 



l-i-i helper's impending crisis dissected. 

white folks at the North. There are always two or three 
musicians in the settlement, whose powers on the violin and 
banjo give them quite a position, and next to the preacher, 
perhaps they are the most respected and admired among their 
fellow workmen. 

The viodns operandi of converting wild swamp lands into 
fertile rice fields is certainly an interesting one, and deserves a 
brief notice at the hands of your correspondent. The work of 
digging canals, throwing up embankments and removing 
stumps having been performed, the negroes commence "chop- 
ping" or digging the soil. After "chopping" they proceed to 
"mashing" or levelling the clods of earth, and that work 
done, the rice is sown in rows about thirteen inches apart. 
Planting commences from the 20th of March to the 1st of 
April. The seed is covered over with a thin coat of earth, and 
at the next flood tide the water is admitted through the trunk, 
as it is called, and the field is slowly submerged. The floating 
weeds, etc., are then raked from the surface, and being placed 
on the embankment are there dried and burned. The water is 
allowed to remain on the field until the seed begins to shoot, 
generally from four to five days, and is then drained ofl". This 
is called the "sprout flow." After the plants appear above the 
ground about an inch or so, the water is let on again and 
allowed to remain on for from tliree to seven days. The plants 
by this time attain a height of three or four inches, and then the 
water is drained off. This is called the "point flow." The 
field is then allowed to remain dry until the ])lants are strong 
enough to bear hoeing, and the first and second hoeings having 
been gone through with, the field is again flooded. This. is 
called tlie "long flow." Mr. S. says he allows the water at 
this stage to rise high above the rice, so as to prevent the 
floating weeds from entangling in the plants. The weeds 
having been all brought ashore, the water is gradually lowered 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 145 

tintil the tops of the plants appear above the surface. The 
water is kept stationary at this point from ten to twenty days, 
according to the quality of the soil, and is then drawn off. 
The field is then allowed to dry, and then follows the third and 
fourth hociugs, care being taken to remove the weeds and vol- 
unteer rice. The water is then let on for the fourth time, and 
allowed to remain on until the rice is headed and the blossoms 
fall. 

The harvest generally commences about the first week in 
September. When the reaping is determined upon, the water 
is all drawn off, and the following day the negroes enter the 
field with sickles, and in one day the crop is reaped and placed in 
little heaps upon the stubble. The next day the rice is tied up 
in sheaves and removed to the barn. The usual modiC of trans- 
porting it from the field to the barn is upon the heads of the 
negroes ; but in some plantations it is conveyed along the em- 
bankments in trucks contrived for the purpose. The harvest- 
ing of rice is excessively hard labor ; even the negroes some- 
times sink under it. As for white men performing the task, it 
is out of the question ; the thing is physically impossible. The 
work of threshing is pursued at leisure, but harvesting is the 
work of forty-eight hours, and must be completed within that 
time, no matter how intense may be the heat of the sun or sul- 
try the weather. The yield varies according to the quality of 
the soil from 800 to 1,500 pounds of rice to the acre. The 
land is held very high, some plantations being worth as much as 
$200 an acre. The rice raised in this section of the country is 
acknowledged to be a very superior article, and commands the 
highest price in the market. 

Planting in the open trench is a plan extensively pursued of 
late years, and the system has been found to work very well in 
some localities. The difference between planting in the open 
trench and planting in the manner previously described, consists 
in "claying" the seed and merging the "sprout" and the "point" 
13 



146 helper's IMPENDIXa CRISIS DISSECTED. 

flows into one. Water thickened with clay is poured upon the 
seed until each grain receives a coating sufficient to prevent it 
from floating when the field is flooded. " Claying" answers all 
the purpose of covering the seed over with earth, and when the 
grain is sown in that way all the negroes have to do is to let on 
the water, and in ten or thirty days thereafter the seed begins to 
sprout. The water is kept on until the plants are one and a 
half to two inches high. The suljsequent treatment is precise- 
ly similar to the other mode. Tbe open trench plan has its 
advantages and disadvantages — its advantages in the saving of 
labor, protecting the rice from the depredations of birds and 
the injurious elTects of freshets; and its disadvantages in 
promoting the growth of water grass, injuring the ditches, and 
washing away the embankments. The greatest enemies to 
the rice planter are the " freshes" and the " salts." In the one 
case from the great height of water in the river the planter is 
unable to drain his field properly, and in the other, from the 
stream being too low, the water from the ocean, which is 
poisonous to the cereal, finds its way up to the plantations, and 
thus suspends all flooding operations. Either of these disas- 
ters happening at a critical period, causes great loss and 
anxiety of mind to the planter. 

Rice plantations are proverbial for their unhealthiness in the 
summer season. The owners seldom, if ever, reside upon them, 
but leave them in charge of overseers, who being acclimated to 
the soil, are alone able to withstand the deadly effects of the 
miasma. To be caught upon a rice plantation after nightfall 
is almost certain death to the unacclimated white man, but the 
negro passes through the ordeal unscathed. It seems as though 
Divine power had created the African especially to withstand 
the deadly atmosphere so peculiar to rice and cotton plantations, 
for without the physical qualifications afforded us in the negro, 
it would be impossible to successfully cultivate either of these 
great staples. Can it be reasonably sujiposcd that the most 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 147 

fertile and valuable soil in the Southern States was never inten- 
ded for cultivation? Certainly not; these productive but 
pestilential lands, so eminently adapted for the growth of cotton 
and rice, were evidently intended by the Creator for the very 
purpose for which they are now used ; and the white man 
could never have developed the boundless resources of those 
regions if by a dispensation of Providence he had not been 
blessed with negro slaves. 

In my next letter I will give you an idea of how the slavery 
system works in the cities, and the condition of the negro in 
hotels, dwelling-houses and manufactories. 

In most of the Southern cities, the negro men have a singu- 
lar fancy for marrying wenches older than themselves. Cooks 
and washerwomen, old enough to be their mothers, are in their 
eyes the most suitable kind of wives, and are eagerly sought 
after. Negresses never despair of getting married in this 
country until after they have become aged enough to be grand- 
mothers, so great and growing is the demand for old wives. 
Then there is an aristocracy in every city, and "sets" as nume- 
rous as among white people. The negroes of the millionaire 
seldom, if ever, associate or intermarry with the negroes of a 
man in humble circumstances, and if there is a party to be 
given, the poor white man's niggers are sure not to receive an 
invitation, so extremely select do they desire to keep the circle. 
Some of these parties, I am assured, are brilliant affairs, and 
incredible sums are spent in dress, jewelry, and the purchase 
of refreshments and delicacies of all kinds. 

Negro churches and benevolent societies are common in 
every town. In Macon, there is a Baptist church which is 
attended regularly every Sunday by a congregation of over 
1,500 persons. The preacher was formerly a slave, but his 
congregation purchased his freedom, bought him a house and 
gave him a salary of $800 per annum, all of which he now 
enjoys. The reverend gentleman is represented as a very in- 



148 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

lelligent person, and is held in high estimation by the white 
residents of the city. A capital anecdote is told of old 
Barnc}', a negro servant belonging to the estate of Geo. liar- 
graves, in this city. Barney, it appears, accompanied his 
master to London and Paris on one occasion, in the capacity 
of body servant. Mr. Hargraves was an invalid, and having 
had one of his legs amputated, was obliged to take Barney 
with him everywhere he went. During their stay at London, 
a number of abolitionists hearing that Barney was a slave, 
took occasion to impress upon the mind of the negro the 
absurdity of his accompanying Mr. Hargraves back to the 
United States. 

"Well, what will you do for me," inquires Barney, "if I 
stay with you ?" 

""Why, we will get you employment at a shilling a day, and 
you will have your liberty. Think of that !" 

"No," said Barney, with a shake of the head. "I guess it 
wouldn't pay. You see, I am just as well off as my master. 
I eat as good food as he eats, dress about as well, and have 
plenty of money ; and what do you think I do for all that ? 
Why, black one boot." 

The abolitionists found they could not make a convert of 
Barney, and left him in disgust. Barney is still alive, and 
enjoys a handsome annuity left him by his old master. 

The free negroes in this State number about 4,000. As 
a general thing, they are a steady, sober, and industrious 
people, and strong advocates of the slavery system. One of 
them, a fellow named Joe Clark, residing in this city, is him- 
self the owner of some ten or twelve slaves, whom he employs 
upon a cotton plantation. Another, named Isham Cooper, 
keeper of a bar-room, is estimated to be worth over $30,000 ; 
and I heard of a third one who now supports the family of 
his former master, lie was manumitted several years ago, it 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 149 

appears, and mado qnite a competence by bridge building. 
Since then, his former master has been several times indoljtcd 
to him for various amounts, exceeding in tlie aggregate, pro- 
bably, some three or four thousand dollars. And even nov/, 
as I said before, he is the main contributor to the support of 
a white man's family. These negroes are highly respected by 
the white population, and any injury or wrong practiced upon 
them, would entail as sure and speedy punishment to the 
offender, as though the most respectable slaveholders were the 
aggrieved parties. 

Yesterday, I saw two of the Africans who were brought 
over in the yacht Wanderer, and fine, intelligent-looking fel- 
lows they are, too. One of them is named Mingo, and the 
other, George. They are employed in a livery stable in Ogle- 
thorpe street, and make good hostlers. George has charge of 
twelve horses, and promises to be a smart and capable slave. 
They talk tolerably good English, and display wonderful cute- 
ness for boys of 16 years of age. They are similar in appear- 
ance to the other negroes about the place, and display none, of 
those savage traits of character that one might be led to 
expect, considering they were so recently imported. I under- 
stand there are a number of other Africans, brought over by 
the same vessel, on a plantation not iiir from this city, and 
that their owner calculates on making them excellent field 
hands. Certainly, the specimens I saw yesterday were very 
promising youths. 

From the correspondence of the N. Y. Herald it -will 
be perceived that the free laborers in the North are not a 
bit better off than the slaves in the South, $4 per week 
being the average wages earned by the Northern mechanics. 

We now return to Mr. Helper again. He says : — 
13* 



150 helper's impending crisis dissected. . 

"In this cxtraorrlinary crisis of aiTairs, no man can be a 
true patriot without fust becoming an Abolitionist. (A Free- 
soiler is only a tadpole in an advanced state of transforma- 
tion ; an Abolitionist is the full and perfectly developed 
frog.)" P. 110. 

Mr. Helper only states above what we have asserted in 
the beginning of this work, that the "Black Republicans" 
have passed the stage of " transformation,'" and are now 
Abolitionists in full communion ; for the Republican mem- 
bers of Congress endorsed the above when they endorsed 
the book. And they have never since repudiated it, and 
still stand by it, as will be seen by the following letter: — 

"Washington City, Feb. 5, 1860. 
" To the Editor of the Ashtabula Sentinel: 

" Our friends at home should be slow to censure their 
representatives for deserting Mr. Sherman. They did so 
for the purpose of electing a speaker, and defeating a party 
that has long wielded the federal power to the support of 
slavery. They felt the humiliation of discarding a candidate 
because he had endorsed the doctrine of Helper's book, 
every sentence of which finds a response in the hearts of 
all true Ilepublicans. JosiiUA R. Giddings." 

There — let it no longer be said " that Republicans rcpu- 
pudiate Helper." The prophet has spoken. 

Mr. Helper also goes on to show the high price that 
Northern lands sell, and the low price Southern lands sell 
for, and ascribes the low prices of Southern lands to tho 
" institution" of slavery. 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 151 

A writer in the Soutliern Cultivator makes the follow- 
ing references to this important subject. 

" There are four causes of exhaustion to our soils, and, 
consequently, of lessening their value, viz. : 

1st. Our long, hot summers. 

2nd. Our heavy, washing rains of winter. 

^rd. The things cultivated. 

4ith. The mode of cultivation. 

The first three of these causes are governed by the laws 
of nature : consequently, the institution of " African 
slavery" cannot change them. As to the fourth, our ob- 
servation has shown us that, in the thinly or newly settled 
free States, the mode of cultivation is as impoverishing, — 
in Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, etc. — as it is in the slave States. 
It is population that gives value to land ; and our popula- 
tion has received its great augmentation from foreign im- 
migration, which has mostly landed on New England or 
free State shores, and have taken their bias and direction 
from those whom they first came in contact with : conse- 
quently, the majority of this great influx of population, — 
having left a land of tyranny and oppression, — are easily 
prejudiced against the Southern States, which are repre- 
sented as being a land of slavery, — which is inimical to 
their interest ; therefore they settle down in the Northern 
or non-slaveholding States, thus swelling population, which 
increases the demand for land, and that, as a reasonable 
cause, increases its value. Lands adjacent to the cities 
of Baltimore, Md., and St. Louis, Mo., and New Orleans, 



152 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

La., all of which have slaves, sell for us high prices, in 
proportion to their population, as the land near Boston, 
New York, Philadelphia or Cincinnati ; conclusively show- 
ing that it is population, and not the peculiar institution 
of slavery, that governs the prices of land. 

That population increases more rapidly at the North 
and in the non-slaveholding States, is a fact which we do 
not pretend to deny ; yet, we claim that undue advantages 
are taken, and misrepresentations made, to produce it. 

Aid Immigrant Agencies have been vigilant at the 
North, for the double purpose of extorting money from 
the foreign emigrant, and, also, to inoculate them with 
abolitionism, and prejudice them against the South and 
her institutions. This is the true cause why the South has 
not increased more rapidly in her population ; and, as a 
consequence, the low price of her lands, — if, indeed, there 
really does exist any very great disparity in the price of 
land North and South, when you come to a general com 
parison of valuation. 



CHAPTER VII. 

The Declaration of Independence quoted to prove the Negro was 
not Born, " Created Free and Equal," with the White Man — Judge 
Taney's Decision in the Dred Scott Case quoted to pi'ove the 
Author's assertions. 

Mr. Helper quotes the " Declaration of Independence" 
to substantiate liis assertion that the nego was " free and 
equal" with the white man. In reply to this, we will only 
quote what Chief Justice Taney says, in his opinion on 
the " Dred Scott Decision," to be found on pages 15, IG 
and 17 of the printed opinions by Congress. Says Judge 
Taney : 

The language of the Declaration of Independence is conclu- 
sive. 

It begins by declaring that, " when in the course of human 
events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the po- 
litical bands wliich have connected them with another, and to 
assume among the powers of the earth the separate and eqnal 
station to which the laws of nature and nature's God entitle them, 
a decent respect for the opinions of mankind requires that they 
should declare the causes which impel them to the separation." 

It then proceeds to say : " We hold these truths to be self- 
evident : that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed 
by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among 
them is life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to se- 

(153) 



154: IIELPEll's IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 

cure tliese rights, governraents are instituted, deriving their 
just puwers from the consent of the governed." 

The general words above quoted would seem to embrace the 
wliole human family, and if they were used in a similar instru- 
ment at this day, would be so understood. But it is too clear 
for dispute, that the enslaved African race were not intended 
to be included, and formed no part of the people who framed 
and adopted this declaration ; for if the language, as understood 
in that day, would embrace them, the conduct of tlie distin- 
guished men who framed the Declaration of Independence 
would have beeu utterly and flagrantly inconsistent with the 
principles they asserted ; and instead of the sympathy of man- 
kind, to which they so confidently appealed, they would have 
deserved and received universal rebuke and reprobation. 

Yet the men who framed this declaration were great men — 
high in literary acquirements — high in their sense of honor, 
and incapable of asserting principles inconsistent with those on 
which they were acting. They perfectly understood the mean- 
ing of the language they used, and how it would be understood 
by others ; and they knew that it would not in any part of the 
civilized world be supposed to embrace the negro race, which, 
by common consent, had been excluded from civilized govern- 
ments and the family of nations, and doomed to slavery. 
They sj)oke and acted according to the then established doc- 
trines and principles, and in the ordinary language of the day, 
and no one misunderstood them. The unhappy black race 
were separated from the white by indellible marks and laws 
long before established, and were never thought of or spoken 
of except as property, and when the claims of the owner or the 
profit of the trader were supposed to need protection. 

This state of public opinion had undergone no change when 
the Constitution was adopted, as is equally evident from its 
provisions and language. 

The brief preamble sets forth by whom it was formed, for 



HELPERS IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 1/35 

wlijit i)iirposcs, and for whose benefit and protection. It dc- 
clai-Lvs tliat it is formed by the j^'-ople of the United States; 
that is to say, by tliose who were meml)ers of tlie diflerent po- 
lilical communities in the several States ; and its great olycct 
is declared to be to secure the blessings of liberty to them- 
selves and their posterity. It speaks in general terms of the 
jx-.ople of the United States, and of citizens of the several 
States, when it is pi'oviding for the exercise of the powers 
granted or the privileges secured to the citizen. It does not 
delinc what description of persons are intended to be included 
under these terms, or who shall be regarded as a citizen and one 
of the people. It uses them as terms so well understood, that 
no further description or definition was necessary. 

But there are two clauses in the Constitution which point 
directly and specifically to the negro race as a separate class 
of persons, and show clearly that they were not regarded as a 
portion of the people or citizens of the Government then 
formed. 

One of these clauses reserves to each of the thirteen States 
the right to import slaves until the year 1808, if it thinks 
proper. And the importation which it thus sanctions was un- 
questionably of persons of the race of which we are speaking, 
as the traffic in slaves in the United States had always been 
confined to them. And by the other provision the States 
pledge themselves to each other to maintain the right of prop- 
erty of the master, by delivering up to him any slave who may 
have escaped from his service, and be found within their respec- 
tive territories. By the first above-mentioned clause, there- 
fore, the right to purchase and hold this property is directly 
sanctioned and authorized for twenty years by the people who 
framed the Constitution. And by the second, they pledge 
themselves to maintain and uphold the right of the master in 
the manner specified, as long as the Government they then 
formed should endure. And these two provisions show, con- 



156 helper's impending crisis dissected, 

clusively, that neither the description of persons therein referred 
to, nor their descendants, were embraced in any of the other 
provisions of the Constitution ; for certainly these two clauses 
were not intended to confer on them or their posterity the bless- 
ings of liberty, or any of the personal rights so carefully provid- 
ed for -the citizen. 

No one of that race had ever migrated to the United States 
voluntarily ; all of them had been brought here as articles of 
merchandise. The number that had been emancipated at that 
time were but few in comparison with those held in slavery; 
and they were identified in the public mind with the race to 
which they belonged, and regarded as a part of the slave popu- 
lation rather than the free. It is obvious that they were not 
even in the minds of the framers of the Constitution when they 
were conferring special rights and privileges upon the citizens 
of a State in every other part of the Union. 

Indeed, when we look to the condition of this race in the 
several States at the time, it is impossible to believe that these 
rights and privileges were intended to be extended to them. 

It is very true, that in that portion of the Union where the 
labor of the negro race was found to be unsuited to the climate 
and unprofitable to the master, but few slaves were held at the 
time of the Declaration of Independence ; and when the Con- 
stitution was adopted, it had entirely worn out in one of them, 
and measures had been taken for its gradual abolition in several 
others. But this change had not been produced by any change 
of opinion in relation to this race ; but because it was dis- 
covered, from experience, that slave labor was unsuited to the 
climate and productions of these States ; for some of the States, 
where it had ceased or nearly ceased to exist, were actively 
engaged in the slave trade, procuring cargoes on the coast of 
Africa, and transporting them for sale to those parts of the 
Union where their labor was found to be profitable, and suited 
to the climate and productions. And this traffic was openly 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 157 

carried on, and fortunes acciunulated by it, without reproach 
from tlie people of the States where tliey resided. And it 
can hardly be supposed that, in the States where it was 
tlicn countenanced in its worst form — that is, in the seizure 
and transportation — the people could have regarded those wlio 
were emancipated as entitled to equal rights with them- 
selves. 

And we may here again refer, in support of this proposition, 
to the plain and unequivocal language of the laws of the several 
States, some passed after the Declaration of Independence and 
before the Constitution was adopted, and some since the Gov- 
ernment went into operation. 

We need not refer, on this point, particularly to the laws of 
the present slaveholding States. Their statute books are full 
of provisions in relation to this class, in the same spirit with 
the Maryland law which we have before quoted. They have 
continued to treat them as an inferior class, and to subject 
them to strict police regulations, drawing a broad line of dis- 
tinction between the citizen and the slave races, and legislating 
in relation to them upon the same principle which prevailed at 
the time of the Declaration of Independence. As relates to 
these States, it is too plain for argument, that they have never 
been regarded as a part of the people or citizens of the State, 
nor supposed to possess any political rights which the domi- 
nant race might not withhold or grant at iheir pleasure. And 
as long ago as 1822, the Court of Appeals of Kentucky decided 
that free negroes and mulattoes were not citizens within the 
meaning of the Constitution of the United States ; and the 
correctness of this decision is recognized, and the same doc- 
trine affirmed, in 1 Meigs's Tenn. Reports, 331. 

And if we turn to the legislation of the States where slavery 
had worn out, or measures taken for its speedy abolition, we 
shall find the same opinions and principles equally fi.xcd and 
equally acted upon. 
14 



158 UELPER S IMPENDINQ CRISIS DISSECTED. 

Thus, Massacluisetts, in 1186, passed a law similar to the 
colonial one of which we have s[)oken. The law of 1786, like 
the law of 1705, forbids the marriage of any white person with 
any negro, Indian, or mnlatto, and inflicts a penalty of fifty 
pounds upon any one who shall join them in marriage ; and 
declares all such marriages absolutely null and void, and 
degrades thus the unhappy issue of the marriage by fixing upon 
it the stain of bastardy. And this mark of degradation was 
renewed, and again impressed upon the race, in the careful and 
deliberate preparation of their revised code published in 1836. 
This code forbids any person from joining in marriage any 
white person with any Indian, negro, or mulatto, and subjects 
the party who shall offend in this respect, to imprisonment, not 
exceeding six months, in the common jail, or to hard laljor, and 
to a fine of not less than fifty nor more than two hundred dol- 
lars; and, like the law of 1786, it declares the marriage to be 
absolutely null and void. It will be seen that the punishment 
is increased by the code upon the person who shall marry 
them, by adding imprisonment to a pecuniary penalty. 

So, too, in Connecticut. We refer more particularly to the 
legislation of this State, because it was not only among the 
first to put an end to slavery within its own territory, but was 
the first to fix a mark of reprobation upon the African slave 
trade. The law last mentioned was passed in October, 1788, 
about nine months after the State had ratified and adopted the 
present Constitution of the United States ; and by that law 
it prohibited its own citizens, under severe penalties, from 
engaging in the trade, and declared all policies of insurance ou 
the vessel or cargo made in the State to be null and void. But, 
up to the time of the adoption of the Constitution, there is 
nothing in the legislation of the State indicating any change 
of opinion as to the relative riglits and ])Osition of the white 
and black races in this country, or indicating that it meant to 
place the latter, when free, upon a level with its citizens. Aud 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 159 

certainly nothing which would have led the slaveholding States 
to suppose that Connecticut designed to claim for thcin, under 
the new Constitution, the equal rights and privileges and rank 
of citizens in every otlier State. 

The first step taken by Connecticut upon this sulyect was 
as early as 177-t, when it passed an act forbidding the further 
importation of slaves into the State. 13ut the section contain- 
ing the prohibition is introduced by the following preamble : 

"And whereas the increase of slaves in this State is injuri- 
ous to the poor, and inconvenient." 

This recital would appear to have been carefully introduced, 
in order to prevent any misunderstanding of the motives which 
induced the Legislature to pass the law, and places it distinctly 
upon the interest and convenience of the white population — 
excluding the inference that it might have been intended in any 
degree for the benefit of the other. 

And in the act of 1'784, by which the issue of slaves, born 
after the time therein mentioned, were to be free at a certain 
age, the section is again introduced by a preamble assigning a 
similar motive for the act. It is in these words : 

" Whereas sound policy requires that the abolition of slavery 
should be effected as soon as may be consistent with the rights 
of individuals, and the public safety and welfare" — showing 
that the right of property in the master was to be protected, 
and that the measure was one of policy, and to prevent the 
injury and inconvenience, to the whites, of a slave population 
in the State. 

And still further pursuing its legislation, we find that in the 
same statute passed in 1714, which prohibited the further im- 
portation of slaves into the State, there is also a provision by 
w'hioh any negro, Indian, or mulatto servant, who was found 
wandering out of the town 0/ place to which he belonged, with- 
out a written pass such as therein dcscriljcd, was made liable 
to be seized by any one, and taken before the next authority to 



160 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

be examined and delivered np to his master— who was required 
to pay the charge which had accrued thereby. And a subse- 
quent section of the same law provides, that if any free negro 
shall travel without such pass, and shall be stopped, seized, or 
taken up, he shall pay all charges arising thereby. And this 
law was in full operation when the Constitution of the United 
States was adopted, and was not repealed till 1197. So that 
up to that time free negroes and raulattoes, were associated 
with servants and slaves in the police regulations established by 
the laws of the State. 

And again, in 1833, Connecticut passed another law, which 
made it penal to set up or establish any school in that State 
for the instruction of persons of the African race not inhabit- 
ants of the State, or to instruct or teach in any such school or 
institution, or board or harbor for that purpose, any such per- 
son, without the previous consent in writing of the civil au- 
thority of the town in which such school or institution might be. 
The legislation of the States therefore shows, in a manner 
not to be mistaken, the inferior and subject condition of that 
race at the time the Constitution was adopted, and long after- 
ward, throughout the thirteen States, by which that instrument 
was framed : and it is hardly consistent with the respect due to 
these States, to suppose that they regarded at that time, as 
fellow-citizens and members of the sovereignty, a class of beings 
whom they had thus stigmatized ; whom, as we are bound, out 
of respect to the State sovereignties, to assume they had 
deemed it just and necessary thus to stigmatize, and upon whom 
they had impressed such deep and enduring marks of inferiority 
and degradation ; or, that when they met in convention to form 
the Constitution, they looked upon them as a portion of their 
constituents, or designed to include thera in the provisions so 
carefully inserted for the security and protection of the liberties 
and rights of their citizens. It cannot be supposed that they 
intended to secure to them rights and privileges, and rank, in 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 161 

llie new political body, throagliout the Union, which every one 
of thftm denied within the limits of its own dominion. jNIorc 
e.sj)ccially, it cannot be believed that the large slavchokling 
Slates regarded them as included in the word citizens, or would 
have consented to a Constitution which might compel them to 
receive them in that character from another State. For if thoy 
were so received, and entitled to the privileges and immunities 
of citizens, it would exempt them from the operation of the 
special laws and from the police regulations which they 
considered to be necessary for their own safety. It would give 
to persons of the negro race, who were recognized as citizens in 
anyone State of the Union, the right to enter every other 
State, whenever they jtleased, singly or in companies, without 
l>ass or passport, and without obstruction, to sojourn there as 
long as they pleased, to go where they pleased at every hour of 
the day or night without molestation, unless they committed 
some violation of the law for which a white man would be 
punished ; and it would give them the full liberty of speech in 
public and iu private upon all subjects upon which its own citi- 
zens might speak ; to hold public meetings upon political 
affairs, and to keep and carry arms wherever they went. And 
all of this would be done in the face of the subject race of the 
same color, both free and slaves, and inevitably producing 
discontent and insubordination among them, and endangering 
the peace and safety of the State. 

It is impossible, it would seem, to believe that the great men 
of the slaveholding States, who took so large a share in 
framing the Constitution of the United States, and exercised so 
much influence in procuring its adoption, could have been so 
forgetful or regardless of their own safety and the safety of 
those who trusted and confided iu them. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Northern Testimony in regard to tlie Aggressions of the Eepuhlican 
Party against the South — Extracts from the Speeches of the Hon. 
J. A. Logan and Stephen A. Douglas — The Damage inflicted upon 
the Northern Merchants and Manufacturers by the Republican 
Party — The Proofs — The South in favor of Disunion in certain 
Contingencies — Eloquent Defence of the South, by Hon. Horatio 
G. Seymour, of New York, and Col. J. W. Wall, of New Jersey. 

We take tlie following extract from a speech of Hon. 
J. A. Logan, of Illinois, delivered in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, December 9, 1859. 

"Look upon both sides of this hall, and what do we behold? 
On tlie right, seats occupied by Republicans, representing 
purely a Nortliern and sectional party ; when the list of mem- 
bers is called, you hear not the voice of a Republican answering 
from the land of Washington, wlio led our armies through the 
Revolution to victory, giving us free institutions, peace, pros- 
perity, and happiness as a great nation. No voice from the 
land of Jefferson, who penned the Declaration of Independence. 
No voice from the land of Madison, who drafted the Constitu- 
tion now attempted to be destroyed by their prejudices and 
fanaticism. No voice from the land of Jackson, who restored 
the glory of the American arms after tlicy had been disgraced 
at the North!" 
(162) 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 163 

"\Vc also quote an extract from a speech of lion. Stephen 
A. Doughis, delivered in the Senate of the United States, 
January 23, ISGO :— 

"I have always noted that those men \vl)o were so far off 
from the slave Slates that they did not know any thing about 
them, are most anxious for the fate of the i)oor slave. Those 
men who are so far off that they do not know what a negro is, 
are distressed to death about tlio eonditiun of the poor negro. 
But, sir, go into the border Slates, where we associate across 
the line, where the civilities of society are constantly inter- 
changed, where we trade witli each oilier, and have social and 
commercial intercourse, and there you will find them standing 
by each other like a baud of brothers. Take Southern Illinois, 
Southern Indiana, Sonthern Oliio, and that part of rennsyj- 
vania bordering on ^Maryland, and there you will find social 
intercourse, commercial intercourse, good feeling, — because 
those people know the condition of the slave on the opposite 
side of the line ; but just in proportion as you recede from the 
slave States, just in proportion as the people are ignorant of 
the facts, — just in that proportion, — party leaders can impose 
on their sympathies and honest prejudices." 

Again, says this distinguished Senator : — 

" Slavery may be very essential in one climate, and totally 
useless in another. If I were a citizen of Louisiana, I would 
vote for retaining and maintaining slavery, because I believe 
the good of that people would require it. As a citizen of Illi- 
nois, I ara utterly opposed to it, because our interests would 
not be promoted by it. I should like to see the Abolitionist 
who would go and live in a Southern coinitry, that would not 
get over his scruples very soon, and have a plantation as 
quickly as he could get the money to buy it. 

I have said, and repeat, that this question of slavery is one 
of climate, of political economy, of self-interest, — not a ques- 



164: helper's imtexdixg crisis dissected. 

tion of legislation. Wliercver the climate, the soil, the healtli 
of the country are such that it cannot be cultivated by white 
lal)or, you will have African labor, and compulsory labor at 
that. Wherever while labor can be employed cheapest and 
most profitably, there African labor will retire and white labor 
will take its place." 

The Pldladelphia Atlas of January 29, 1860, say?, on 
the threatened non-intercourse between the South and 
North :— 

"We are not at all surprised that, under the influence of the 
present excitement, the South should seriously consider the 
propriety of doing its own exportation and importation. The 
concentration of so large a portion of the material wealth of 
this country in the Northern States, — their more rajjid progress 
ill the arts, — is not entirely attributable to the superiority of 
free over slave labor. The criminal negligence of our Southern 
friends in extending their commerce, and building up their 
manufactures, and their lavish expenditures of money for the 
sole profit of the Northern merchant and manufacturer, will 
largely account for the disparity between the two sections in 
wealth and power. 

AVe not only export their cotton, rice, sugar and tobacco, 
and realize a very handsome profit thereon, but we import 
nearly all their costly goods, and supply them with the pro- 
ducts of our factories at such prices as we please to charge 
them. Our literary and scientific institutions are mainly sup- 
jjorted by Southern patrons. Our watering places and moun- 
tain retreats are crowded in the hot summer months with the 
gay mothers and daughters of the sunny South. 

Now suppose that our brothers south of Mason and Dixon's 
should discontinue this profitalile intercourse, what then ? Why 
the New England fanatics would pale with terror, and the 
North would appreciate the folly, not to say the criminality, of 
intermeddling with other people's business. 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 165 

This is no impossible thing. Indeed, we think it much more 
probable than a dissolution of the Union. For we can well 
conceive the vast benefit of the one, and the disastrous conse- 
quences of the other movement to the South. Tiiere would be 
a heroism in this, a madness and ruin in that. This would be 
worthy of a brave, indignant, patriotic, and independent i)eo- 
ple, — that would be the act of rashness and folly. 

Why should not New Orleans, ^Mobile, Charleston, Xorfolk 
and Baltimore become rivals of Bostun, New York and Bhila- 
delphia, if the Southern patronage should be transferred thither? 
We would have no right to complain at this. Our people have 
wantonly provoked the South. We tolerate men in our midst 
who are ever warring on the South, stealing negroes, and coun- 
seling insurrection. A squeamish sentimentalisni about slavery 
is the prevailing type of Northern idiosyncracy. Many of our 
people disregard the Constitution, and are ready to trample it 
in the dust, rather than that the negro should remain in that 
condition, in which he appears to thrive very well, for a single 
day. No allowance is made for the difficulties in which the 
question of emancipation is involved. And these people to- 
tally forget that they have no right to interfere with the ques- 
tion, unless they are prepared to pay for the negro's freedom, 
and his master is willing to sell hira. They foolishly e.xpect to 
coerce the Southern people to adopt their views of slavery, and 
under the promptings of an awakened conscience, to uproot 
their social fabric, and forever impoverish themselves and their 
posterity. 

So long as these views are freely expressed in private and 
public by the press, and from our pulpits, is it strange that the 
South should be e.xcited, or that her peo]de should determine 
to deal elsewhere, and depend more upon their own resources? 

Instead of passing personal liberty bills, and obstructing the 
execution of the federal laws ; instead of organizing a party 
to exclude, by Congressional enactments, our Southern brothers 



166 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

from the common territories of the Union, we were to provide 
means for punishing treason, and maintaining tlie laws, we 
would be acting wisely and patriotically, and would restore 
that fraternal feeling which characterized the early days of the 
Republic. 

Let our business men look at this question, and unite in 
bringing about a healthy reaction in the North. After all that 
has been said in Congress and out of it, the difficulty may be. 
resolved into a queslion of dollars and cents. The Northern 
manufacturer wants to obtain possession of the Government in 
order to prostitute its power for his special protection. The 
tariff, although supposed to be a bygone issue, is yet at the 
bottom of this contest. The negro is made the hobby of both 
sections, because he represents that species of labor which does 
not come in competition with foreign labor, and because he is 
the object of special regard and sympathy by a large class of 
diseased philanthropists." 

The chief organ of Seward in the 'North charges the 
Democracy of the South with being a disunion party, — a 
charge which has been often made of hite, and reiterated 
usque ad nauseam. This charge is, to a certain extent, 
undoubtedly true, and ought to be admitted. It is true 
conditionally — true in a certain contingency, which may 
or may not happen. The universal sentiment, not only 
of the Democracy of the South, but of the whole South, 
is, that in the event of the anti-slavery parties of the 
North gaining the ascendant in the Federal Government, 
the wisest policy of the Southern communities is to secede 
peaceably from the Union, before a tyrant majority in 
Congress proceeds to reduce them to a base subjection, 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 167 

■which would place them in the position of conquered pro- 
vinces, instead of independent sovereign States. This 
has been proclaimed bj the leading men of the South in 
both houses of Congress, declared in their State Legisla- 
tures and by the Governors of States, enunciated by the 
people in their mass meetings, and by their presses, from 
Delaware to Texas. 

Now this is an alarming condition of things, tending di- 
rectly to the breaking up of the Union ; and the question 
is. What cause has produced tliese dire effects ? We an- 
swer, that thirty years of anli-slavcry agitation at the North 
has at last culminated in a crisis which has driven the 
South to the wall, and compels it to stand at bay. A 
moral war has been waged against its institutions, Avhich 
are guaranteed by the Constitution, protected by the Con- 
stitution, and incorporated into the very framework of 
the Constitution. Garrison and Phillips are undoubtedly 
right, and honest as they are right, when they pronounce 
the Constitution "pro-slavery." It is pro-slavery, and 
therefore they curse it, and curse the Union of which it is 
the bond. The moral war against the institutions of the 
South has proceeded step by step till at length it has be- 
come a physical war, — a war^of saltpetre and brimstone, 
and rifles and pikes, — of which the saint and martyr John 
Brown is the pioneer, and of which Helper's Compendium, 
endorsed by all the leading men of the Republican party, 
is the law and gospel. William 11. Seward, who has given 
this book a special endorsement, is the prophet of the 



1G8 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

party, who, like Mahomet, with the Koran in one hand 
and a sword in the other, issues his declaration of war 
against the South, threatening to subject its institutions to 
a higher law, (a new book of Mormon ;) and his disciple, 
Mr. Hickman, of Pennsylvania, follows up the menace of 
the "irrepressible conflict," of which there was a foretaste 
at Harper's Ferry, by another menace that the higher 
law will be forced upon the South by eighteen millions of 
bayonets; and the man who is at the head of tliis party, 
William H. Seward, is its candidate for the Chief Magis- 
tracy, which would place at his disposal, and at their dis- 
posal, the Federal army and navy, and the militia of the 
several States. 

Has not the South, then, reason to fear the worst in the 
event of the triumph of the anti-slavery party, and the 
election of William H. Seward ? And is it not natural 
that the South should meditate and threaten secession 
from a Union which would no longer ejcist but on parch- 
ment, and which would be henceforth only the union of 
the shark Avith his prey ? The Harper's Ferry invasion 
may be explained away, but the South will regard the 
election of Mr. Seward as the palpable, incontrovertible, 
overt act of the whole North, foreshadowing the other 
overt acts in his programme. It will regard his election 
by a Northern majority and a sectional issue as the first 
act of disunion committed by the combined Northern 
States, and it will consider itself as absolved before God 
and man from all future allegiance to the Union. Judging 



helper's impending cpjsis dissected. 1G9 

from the best information we have received from every 
State in the South, our solemn conviction is tliat, if jMr. 
Seward sliould bo elected, or any other man who adopts 
the programme of his "irrepressible conflict," he will 
never be inaugurated at the Capitol in Washington. 

The causes which are precipitating this terrible catastro- 
phe are the same which have led to similar results in all 
other countries. Take, for instance, the case of England 
and her North American colonies. What produced their 
revolt ? It was the oppression of the mother country, 
which attempted by a high hand to interfere with the 
legislation of the colonial Assemblies and to ignore the 
rights of the people. They remonstrated in vain, and at 
last threatened. The leaders who gave expression to their 
menaces were then called disunionists, traitors, and rebels. 
Undoubtedly they were disloyal, and disloyalty at last be- 
came patriotism, and success justified and sanctified the 
Kevolution. What produced the disunion, disloyalty, and 
Revolution? The tyranny of the British Government, 
which, because it had the power, oppressed its weak colo- 
nies, and broke the political compact. In the same way, 
the anti-slavery party have become a majority in the 
North, and control its elections and resources ; and they 
abuse their power by nullifying the Constitution of tlie 
United States, and breaking the compact — the solemn 
league and covenant into which all the States entered at 
the time of the Union ; and the Northern States repudiate 

their obligations, and say they will not restore fugitive 
15 



170 helper's impexdixg crisis dissected. 

slaves, though commanded by the Constitution and the 
laws of Congress, and that they Avill not permit any more 
slave States, whicli is in direct violation of the letter and 
spirit of the Constitution, and in defiance of the history 
of the country, from the foundation of the Government, 
during Avhich nine slave States have been admitted. And 
if they get possession and control of the Federal Govern- 
ment, they plainly declare they will carry out their ideas 
with force and arms, fire and sword. Here is the cause 
of the disunion at the South, where ten States have al- 
already "pronounced." 

What, then, is the duty of the conservatives of the 
Middle States — all who detest perfidy, covenant-breaking, 
and " Carthagcnian faith" — all our merchants and manu- 
facturers, and all who have an interest in the continuance 
of the Union ? Their plain duty is to unite, put down the 
anti-slavery agitation, declare their intention to render the 
South the justice due to it by the terras of the bond, and, 
as the best evidence of their sincerity, rally around and 
elect a man to the Presidency who will faithfully carry 
out this policy. Then, and not till then, will the disunion 
party cease to exist at the South ; but if the solemn warn- 
ings given by the signs of the times arc disregarded, and 
if the anti-slavery sentiment is permitted to gain the as- 
cendency next fall, then we shall soon find, not merely 
threats of disunion at the South, but disunion itself, and 
the dissolution of the greatest and best political confeder- 
acy the world ever saw. 



helper's impendinq crisis dissected. 171 

There arc many true patriots in the North, as will bo 
seen by the fullowini^ eloquent defense of the South, made 
by the Hon. Horatio G, Seymour, of New York. 

AVheu our fathers, on common battle-fields, were struggling 
for common rights, slavery existed in all our colonies ; there 
was no exception ; it was on every rood of ground. We had 
no diQieulty on account of slavery, then, in achieving our inde- 
pendence. But since that time slavery has been abolished over 
more than half of this land of ours. It is now in comparatively 
contracted limits, and now we hear that it must lead to aliena- 
tion, or the disruption of this great confederacy. I fear that 
we of the North are unjust, and not altogether courage- 
ous, in our treatment to our brethren of the South. IIow 
came slavery in these United States ? Who brought the negro 
from Africa ? The South never had ships. The men of New 
York, where I came from, the men of Massachusetts, and the 
men of Rhode Island, were those who stole them from their 
homes and brought them over to the shambles here. Who laid 
the foundations of slavery which underlie the institutions of 
many of our States ? The time was when, over the whole 
length and breadth of this land of ours, the people did net 
recognize the black man as having any political rights. Now, 
my friends, that is just as true of Massachusetts as of South 
Carolina, and Judge Taney, in so stating, merely stated a his- 
torical fact and known to be so by every student of history. 
The other day, in looking over papers which came into my 
bauds, I found an original document, a bill of sale for a slave 
from a man in ^Massachusetts to a Man in New York, and that 
paper throws a most remarkable light over the whole question 
of slavery. It commenced thus : "To all Christian ])eople to 
whom these presents may come, I, Mark Rose, sell my slave," 
&c. The people of Massachusetts held that no persons were 
eutilled to any political privileges unless they were Christians ; 



172 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

and they went further than that — they held that no one was 
eiitilU'd to political privileges nidess he was the right kind of a 
Christian. They held the views which laid the foundation of 
slavery in the theology of that time. They sold Quakers into 
slavery — they sold the family of King Philip into slavery, 
Tliese were the sentiments that existed in the North in our 
early days. When the Constitution of the United States was 
formed, and when the delegates from the different States met in 
convention, the question of slavery was there, and it was asked, 
when shall the slave trade be put an end to ? Georgia says, 
now; Virginia says, now ; South Carolina says, not yet ; Con- 
necticut, not yet; Rhode Island, not yet; Massachusetts, not 
yet; New Hampshire said not yet — the slave trade is jirofit- 
able. If you will read Minot's History of Massachusetts, you 
will learn that the great business of New England was at one 
time the manufacture of rum — pure rum ; and when they made 
rum, they took it to the coast of Africa and exchanged it for 
slaves. The slavers landed their cargoes on some unfrequented 
shores of the Southern coast, and forthwith the entire South 
was charged with complicity in the slave trade. But they do 
not, at the same time, tell you, that the slave ships are fitted 
out from New England i)orts — that they glide out to seaupou 
their nefarious voyages beneath the shades of Bunker Hill. 

The political power of our country is in the hands of the 
free States. The population of the country increases at the 
rate of a million a year ; of this increase the North receives 
over seven hundred thousand. This large majority of the yearly 
increase has given the North her strength in the confederacy. 
How came the North by this excess of the increase. At the 
outset we were equal — then we were all slave States. Now, 
what led to the al)olishment of slavery in the North, and thus 
gave us the basis of our present strength ? I will tell you, my 
friends, and you all know it to be so. The Democratic party 
imrty, under Jefferson, inaugurated the wise and beucficeut 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 173 

policy of inviting the laborer of the old world to jilaiit himself 
down upon the great and fertile plains of our country. 

Under this policy, the emigrants from Europe flocked to the 
Xorthcrn States, because they found in their soil and climate, 
und in their institutions, a more congenial home. So yon see, 
my friends, that it has been under a policy inaugurated by South- 
ern slatcsmen — a policy which found its most Ijitter opponents 
at the North — that our section has become all powerful in the 
government. We have now a majority in the Senate, in the 
Jlouse of Representatives, and in the Electoral College ; but 
the census of 1860 will show that two-thirds of the members 
of the House of Representatives, and an overwhelming major- 
ity in the h'enate, represent free States. Is this a time, and 
nre tliese the circumstances under which an " irre[)ressible con- 
flict" shall be waged against the people and institutions of the 
weaker section ? When the South was strong and we were 
weak, they furnished us no precedent for the course of action 
we now propose to pursue against them. These being the 
truths which history teaches, and standing here as I do, at the 
very head waters of the mighty Mississippi, whose arms lock 
our country together, teaching us a perpetual lesson of fraternal 
love and union, I beg you to pause before you enter upon a 
sectional warfare, which will rive asunder those whom God has 
joined together. 

Before you do this, look at history, and see if the South has 
ever hesitated to uphold a single measure which was calculated 
to advance tiie whole country* although in doing so they have 
built up the North instead of the South. There is an instinc- 
tive difference between the two parties. The Democratic party 
is a let-alone party — the Republican party is a meddling party. 
It is a great deal easier to obtain political power by inflaming 
the passions and prejudices of our neighbors, by denouncing 
men a thousand miles away, than it is to gain influence by gov- 
erning our walk in life by the principles of justice, or the dic- 
15* 



174 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

tates of a sound patriotism. Is it not too trnc tliat the reverse 
of this has been hurtful to the morals of our people — and hurt- 
ful to the puli)it, of which I speak with all reverence, and to 
the holy doctrines which should issue from the sacred desk ? 
Is it not too true, my Repuljlican friends, that a rifle for Kan- 
sas or a curse for the South has weighed more in the political 
scale than private virtues or jiolitical service ? Whence comes 
slavery ? We have seen who ])rolonged it. Now, my friends, 
do you ever stop to inquire who upholds it? It is sustained 
by the firm of "Weaver, Wearer & Planter," and two of the 
partners live up North. Every one knov,-s that but for the 
looms of New England and Old England it could not live a 
day. The loudest denunciations against slavery are made by 
men with cotton shirts on their hack. The most fervent pulpit 
exhortations against slavery come from men who wrap them- 
selves for rejiose at night in cotton sheets, who lay their lieads 
upon cotton pillows, and go to sleep thanking God that they ore 
better than the men "'down South." T was called njion some 
years ago, while Governor of New York, by a deputation of 
Quakers from Great Britain, to lay before me a "testimony" 
against slavery. As they wished, I listened^ to them. We 
afterward fell into a conversation, and the question arose why 
the people of Europe were oppressed and burdened so heavily 
by taxation. We attributed it to the differences in their lan- 
guaire — the great numl)er of nationalities, divided by imagin- 
ary lines — the petty jealousies and strifes, and consequent neces- 
sity for maintaining large standing armies. We then spoke of the 
blest condition of Europe if all these rival governments could be 
moulded into one, speaking a common language, liaving com- 
mon sympathies, with no custom-houses to annoy, and no stand- 
ing armies to threaten ; and my Quaker friends warmed with 
enthusiasm at the glorious picture, and expressed the earnest 
wish that such a day might dawn, for with it would come the 
true millennium. "But," said I, "when all this has been 



nELPEll S IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 175 

ascjieved, suppose some man sliould rise up in England, and 
say that all this genial fellowship among the nations, this com- 
munity of interest and of language shall be destroyed unless 
serfdom shall be abrogated in Russia and polygamy in Turkey, 
■what would you say regarding such a man?" "Say," said 
the Qnakers ; "we would say that he deserved the anathemas 
of all good men, as a traitor to the best interests of mankind 
for doubting that God, in his own way, and in his own good 
time, would work out a remedy for all these wrongs 1" " Now," 
said I, "my friends, when we drew this picture of Europe it 
was not all fancy. I described the broad land which extends 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific — from the great Lakes to the 
Gulf of Mexico. Go two thousand miles over this land, and 
uo custom-house shall stop you — travel to its furthest limits and 
you shall see no standing armies — ^}'ou shall hear a common 
language and shall feel a common sympathy. Then you shall 
know what it is to live upon a great broad continent where 
there is brotherhood unalloyed by your hatreds and antipathies. 
"Why, therefore, do you come here to teach us the language of 
strife ?" 

Now, my friends, to make the application : — Had we, from 
the beginning, been arrayed one State against another — had 
we disregarded our community of language and of interest, and 
fostered the hatreds and jealousies which we are now taught to 
cherish, this beautiful Minnesota would yet have been a wilder- 
ness, the painted savages would yet glide down the noble Mis- 
sissippi, and the waters of that mighty cataract, whose thun- 
ders I almost hear, that by the art of man has been taught to 
leap forth to their labors at the rising of the sun and retire to 
their rest at its setting, would still pursue their precipitous 
course undisturbed. 

Said Colonel James "W. Wall, to the citizens of Newark, 
on the 5tli November, 1859: — 

Keep up " this irrepressible conflict between freedom and 



176 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

slavery," predicted and prayed for by the leading- rvepnblicaa 
agitators of the Xorth, and I toll yon the time is not far dis- 
tant, yea, it is at our very doors, when the agonized cry shall 
come up from Southern hearthstones made desolate, and from 
fields crimsoned with the blood of master and of slave, for ven- 
geance, dire vengeance, upon that miserable faction who fed this 
flameof sectional strife until its lurid glare only served to light a ser- 
vile insurrection upon its hellish work of desolation and of death. 
When that hour shall come, and come it will if the doctrines 
of the men of the Seward, Greeley, Chase, and Tnrnbull school 
are pushed to their inevitable consequences and conclusions, 
the tie that now binds this Union and grapples State to State 
wilh hooks of steel, shall become a rope of sand, which the 
breath of faction may scatter to the winds. 

Deem you this exaggeration ! If it be so, then it is not the 
fault of that Reimblican party in the Xorth, who from time to 
time sent armed men forward to tljat irrepressible conflict on 
the soil of Kansas, putting in the lands of peaceful emigrants 
Sharp's rifles, and throwing down the gauntlet of defiance to 
our Southern brethreti, and invoking the very strife that they 
desired to have kindled, and which first excited the brain of 
that mad old fanatic and enthusiast who, now bleeding and in 
chains, is awatiiigthat fate which, according to all the rules of 
justice, should be meted out to such men as Beecher, Chapin, 
Greeley, Blair, and a host of others wlio first hissed him on, 
and cowardly left him to do his work unaided and alone. The 
men who first sent emissaries into Kansas — who first whispered 
in their ears words of fierce excitement and unextinguished hate 
against our Southern brethren, are the men who, if they are 
not responsible to the legal tribunals of the country, are re- 
sponsible before the Higher Law.s, which they acknowledge as 
above such tribunals, for all the fierce mischief they have pro- 
voked. And that party, which under the name of Republican 
first gave its money, its time, its intellect, and its labor to be- 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 177 

ginning and keeping np tliis irrepressible conflict on the soil 
of Kansas, cannot and shall not dodge the responsibility they 
have so wantonly assumed ; and when haunted by the ghostly 
victims it has betrayed, no wonder its knees smite together and 
its ghastly eye-balls glare, as, like the startled conscience- 
stricken Macbeth, before the unmoved ghost of Banquo, it 
utters the same lie that he did — and exclaims, 

" Thou canst not say I did it ; never shako 
Thy gory locks at uie." 

My friends I know there are men, patriotic men, who have 
without thought thrown themselves into the Republican party, 
and whose hands are guiltless of all this blood, and upon whose 
conscience it never will rest. But there is an abolitionized 
element entering into and forming part of this Republican 
party, without which it could not live an hour. That is the 
element, that like a salamander rejoices in the fires of sectional 
strife? That is the element which has sown the dragon's teeth 
in Kansas, and brought forth strife and armed men. That is 
the element, which rearing on high its baneful crest, in the 
hour of triumph hissed forth that damnable heresy, that the 
irrepressible conflict between freedom and slavery must go on 
until this country was all free or all slave. It was the working 
of that element which filled the soul of the poor wretch, Brown, 
until brain and heart both reeled beneath the impulse, and 
drove him headlong on to be the first martyr in a strife which 
he had been taught to believe by Bcechcr, Greely and Chapiu, 
was only 

" Freedom's battle once begun." 

This abolitionized element preaches constant and endless 
agitation upon this slavery question. I know that it does not 
yet dare openly to proclaim that slavery shall be abolished 
where it exists, but simply confine itself, or pretends to do so, 
to preventing its further extension. But behind all this lies 
the hope of the future, not dimly forshadowed either in that 



178 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

devilish expression about the "irrepressible conflict that is 
going on between freedom and slavery" — aye ! openly avowed 
in that plain and startling declaration " that this country must 
be one day all slave or all free." If this be not the fell spirit 
of Abolition that speaks such swelling words, then it is some 
•other spirit in its likeness. 

Our Northern brethren may ponder over the eloquent 
remarks of their Northern friends, and resolve to cast all 
their influence against the aggressions of the Republican 
Fanatics, ^Yho would destroy the union of these States to 
gratify their own wickedness. 



CHAPTEK IX. 

Speech of the Hon. L. Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi, on the Excite- 
ment of the Times — His noble Defense of Slavery— Civil War in 
the United States predicted years ago by Commodore Decatur, of 
the United States Navy — Slavery proven to have existed in the 
Hebrew Nation — Lord Macaulay, the author, quoted to show the 
vast ruin it would entail upon thousands of the whites in En- 
gland, were Slavery abolished in the United States — The great 
blessings of the Cotton Crop. 

We give entire the speech of the Hon, L. Q. C. Lamar, 
of Mississippi, in the House of Representatives, February 
21, 1860. 

The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the 
State of the Union, and having under consideration the 
President's Annual Message, Mr. Lamar said : 

" Mr. Chairivian : I obtained the floor several days ago, 
for the purpose of replying to some arguments advanced in a 
very ingenious and well-considered speech from the gentleman 
from Connecticut, [Mr. Ferry.] I desire to begin my re- 
marks to-day by a quotation from the philosopher and poet, 
Coleridge, which I will thank the Clerk to read for me." 

The Clerk read as follows : 

"An American commander, who had deserved and received 
the highest honors which his grateful country, through her as- 
eembled representatives, could bestow upon him, once said to 

(179) 



180 IIELrER'S IMPENDIXG CRISIS DISSECTED. 

mc, with a sigh, ' In an evil hour for my conntry did the French 
and Spaniards abandon Louisiana to the United States. We 
were not sufficiently a country before ; and should we ever be 
mad enough to drive the English from Canada and her other 
North American Provinces, we shall soon cease to be a country 
at all. Without local attachment, without national honor, we 
shall resemble a swarm of insects that settle on the fruits of 
the earth to corrupt and consume them, rather than men who 
love and cleave to the land of their forefathers. After a shape- 
less anarchy, and a series of civil wars, we shall at last be 
formed into many countries, unless the vices engendered in the 
process should demand further punishment, and we should pre- 
viously fall beneath the despotism of some military adventurer, 
like a lion, consumed by an inward disease, prostrate and help- 
less beneath the beak and talons of a vulture, or yet meaner 
bird of prey.' " 

The distinguished commander there referred to, Mr. Chair- 
man, was Decatur. No one can read that declaration without 
feeling some disposition to inquire whether we are about to 
realize its fulfillment. The animosities that exist between the 
two sections of the Confederacy, the discord that reigned for 
seven long weeks on this floor, are fearful tokens of a deep- 
seated disorder in our political system. 

My object to-day is to inquire how far my constituents and 
the people with whom they are associated are responsible for 
the existing condition of things. Mississippi, sir, has grown 
up under this Federal Union. There is not, within her limits, 
a proprietor who does not hold his home under a grant from 
the Federal Government. Iler noble university, and her com- 
mon schools, are all established by donations from the public 
domain, which she has received, in common with all the new 
States. It is true, that in the special and appreciable advant- 
ages of Federal legislation — such as discriminations in favor 
of industrial pursuits, and commercial enterprise, and the re- 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 181 

turns of taxation, in the form of Government expenditures — 
she receives far less than an average sliare. She has no shijis 
to participate in the monopoly granted to American vessels f f 
tlie coasting trade, and the benefit of tonnage duties in their 
favor in the foreign trade. Her population have no fishing or 
other bounties from the National Treasury ; and the tariff on 
imports does not operate to protect the productions of lier in- 
dustry. She has no army of contractors or Federal officers ; 
nor are there any public buildings of imperial magnificence 
constructed by the Government within her limits. But she is 
prosperous ; and the heart of her people beats truer to the 
Union than to their own tranquillity. Nor will she be driven 
from her devotion, except by causes which she has not created, 
and by consequences for which she is not responsible. Mis- 
sissippi has never declared herself in favor of disunion, jxr se. 
She will not make that declaration until she becomes convinced 
that her sister States north are deliberately determined to en- 
danger her internal and social institutions, or to impair her dig- 
nity and equality as a confederate State. 

Now, sir, I should not be candid if I did not say that there 
are many, perhaps a majority, in ray State who do not speak 
with the same reserve and caution as 1 am doing on this occa- 
sion. The obvious and unmistakable tokens of design in the 
long-continued and crafty agitation of this slavery question, 
have produced alienation and distrust. It is a unanimous sen- 
timent in the South that the existence of this Republican or- 
ganization is a standing menace to her peace and security, and 
a standing insult to her character. More especially have the 
recent events in Virginia, the discordant proceedings of this 
House, and the angry discussion on the Helper book, created 
a tone and tendency in the public feeling which must tell un- 
happily on the political transactions of our country for a long 
series of years. 

I was pained, during that discussion, to hear the distiu- 
16 



182 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

giiished p:entleiuaii from Ohio [Mr. Corwin] ask, in a tone of 
levity which evinced how lightly he esteemed the temper of our 
people, "Wiiy, gentlemen, can a small book like the Helper 
Compend endanger your proud institutions?" Sir, a million 
such books could not, for an instant, affect the South, but for 
the conviction that it represents and embodies the sentiments 
of a large mass of the Northern people. You, gentlemen, who 
have disclaimed and repudiated its practical recovimendalions, 
do not deny, I believe you all admit, that the fundamental 
doctrine of the book — that slavery is a great moral, social, 
and political wrong, to be opposed by the Government every- 
where and under all circumstances, by all constitutional means, 
its extension to be prohibited, and the powers of this Govern- 
ment to be ajiplied to confine it with a view to. its extinction — 
is the predominant opinion of a large mass of the Northern 
people ; that it infects their literature, pervades their juris- 
prudence, is inculcated in their theology, controls their local 
legislation, and constitutes, this day, the sole creed of a politi- 
cal party which commands a majoi-ity of States, and over- 
whelming majorities in States at the North. 

Now, sir, this is a portentous fact ; for a moral sentiment 
thus diffused among the majority of a great people will work 
itself out into practical action, and the law — fundamental or 
statute — which obstructs its progress to development must yield 
before it or be overborne by it. 

Sir, institutions and constitutions and laws and governments 
are at last but external structures, whose roots are in the moral 
and intellectual life of the people for whom they exist ; and 
any revolution in that moral and mental life must have its cor- 
responding effect upon institutions subject to its influence. 

Now, sir, among a great, earnest, and religious people, 
whose moral and religious conviction is that slavery is "a sin 
against God and a crime against humanity," in the language 
of the gentleman from Connecticut, [Mr. Feuuy,] I ask what 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 183 

countenance or support will be given to a Constitution which 
sanctions that sin, or to institutions whicli uphold and establish 
that crime ? Let, sir, the party which represents this sentiment 
get possession of this Government, intrench itself in all its de- 
partments, arm itself with its power, and I ask if the bar- 
riers of the Constitution, the forms of law, the obligations of 
humanity, and the sovereignty of the States will not all melt 
down in its fiery path ? Is it strange, sir, that our pcopk 
should think of withdrawing their imperiled institutions fron* 
the sweep of this fanatical revolution ? And yet, sir, if a 
Southern gentleman, from a heart oppressed with gloomy fore- 
bodings for his country, expresses any sucli sentiment upon 
this floor, forthwith these llepublican gentlemen — ay, sir, and 
grave Senators — seize upon it, tear it from its context, mis- 
represent the spirit which prompted its utterance, and send it 
forth grouped with other expressions similarly garbled, to 
arouse passion, inflame prejudice, and madden fanaticism. 

Sir, the calamity of the times is, that the people of the 
North do not understand the people of the South ; and it is to 
the interest of a certain class of politicians to perpetuate the 
misunderstanding. 

The gentleman from Connecticut, sir, in his speech a few 
days since, repeated the assertion of the gentleman from Ohio, 
[Mr. CoRWiN,] that it was the policy of the founders of 
our Republic to prevent the establishment of slavery in new 
communities. In my opinion, a greater error was never com- 
mitted upon this floor. My own State is a standing refutation 
of the proposition. Sir, slavery exists this day in Mississippi 
by the encouragement — certainly with the consent — of this 
Federal Government when it was in the hands of the founders 
of our Republic. By the act of 1798, the President was 
authorized to extend over the Mississippi Territory, the same 
Government which existed northwest of the Ohio, excepting 
the last clause of the famous ordinance prohibiting slavery ; 



18-i HELPERS IMPENDINQ CRISIS DISSECTED. 

and that was repealed. And upon the motion of Mr. 
Thatcher, of Massachusetts, to protect what he called " the 
rights of man," the AVilmot-proviso principle Wiis proposed to 
be extended over Mississippi, and received at first but twelve 
votes, and upon the last proposition but one vote. Now, sir, 
this seems to me to be a legislative declaration to exclude the 
conclusion that there was any desire upon the part of the 
founders of our Kopublic to prevent the establishment of 
slavery in new communities. It certainly displays the con- 
siderate caution which then existed on this subject. It shows 
that there was no disposition on the part of the founders of 
our Republic to interfere with the delicate relation in new 
Territories; and it would have been a policy of peace had this 
precedent been followed in all subsequent legislation. This 
act shows that the United States gave their free and spontane- 
ous consent that slaves might be carried and held in Missis- 
sippi as property, and that her freemen were, at the proper 
time, to form an independent government, and become a 
member of the Union on equal terms with the other parties 
to the compact. Now, sir, Mississippi stands here to-day, 
and finds slavery, through the action of this Federal Govern- 
ment, an integral and live element in her social system, inter- 
fused with the social relations, the industrial pursuits, the 
investments of capital, and the political forms of her people. 

Gentlemen, I ask, have you the right — I do not mean the 
constitutional power — have you the moral right, is it just, is it 
tolerant, to reverse the action of this Government and embark 
it in a career of hostility to an institution which the action of 
this Government has made the basis upon whose durability our 
social and political order is constituted ? The condition of 
Mississippi is that of other new States in the South and South- 
west. 

The gentleman from Connecticut justifies this policy of his 
party, on the ground that our institution is regarded by the 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 185 

people of the North as " hateful to God and unjust to man ;" 
that "it cannot exist of natural right." But when he seeks 
to give the autliority upon wliich he bases this dogma, he takes 
particular pains to lodge it in that most secret place in all 
nature, "the instincts of the human heart" and the dictates 
of natural reason. 

Mr. Ferry. — An enlightened conscience. 

Mr. Lamar. — Yes, sir ; the dictates of an enlightened con- 
science. Sir, he almost repeated the proposition of the 
gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Bingham,] in a debate during the 
last Congress, when he said: "I appeal to your immortal 
spirit, can you be rightfully reduced to slavery ?" The gentle- 
man from Connecticut, following that line of argument, asks : 
" Is there a man upon this floor who would not rather die than 
be a bondman 'I who would not rather see his little son dead 
in his coffin than see that son sold into slavery ?" 

Well, sir, I answer the gentleman, (and I presume it is just 
as he wishes me to answer,) that I cannot be rightfully reduced 
to slavery ; nor can you, sir ; nor can the gentleman himself. 
But, sir, does it follow that men are right-angled triangles — 
that whatever is true of one is predicable of all men ? Will 
these gentlemen say that that is the test by which the rightful- 
ness of a civil regulation is to be determined ? If so, I will 
ask these gentlemen a question : " I appeal to your immortal 
spirit," can you rightfully be reduced to a felon's cell ? I ask 
|lie gentleman, "Is there a man upon this floor who would not 
rather die than be" a felon ? who " would not rather see his 
little son dead in his coffin" than to see that son torn from his 
mother's embrace, and doomed to imprisonment for life with 
hard labor, the associate of convicts and criminals ? 

Mr. Ferry. — Does the gentleman wish an answer ? 

Mr. Lamar. — Not just now. Sir, they can give me but one 
answer, and that is the answer which I give to their question. 
And yet there are hundreds of thousands of our fellow-citizens, 
16* 



186 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

in wliom the same immortal spirit resides, who are reduced to 
that ignominious condilion ; and tliese gentlemen justify the 
ordinane-es and statutes which condemn tliem to it; not be- 
cause they are not " created with equal, inherent, natural, and 
inalienable rights," but simply because the order and well-being 
of society require that they shall be deprived of that liberty 
and equality which, in our hands, is such a priceless, peerless 
blessing. Bat I again "appeal to the gentleman's immortal 
spirit." I ask him, can he be made subservient and obedient 
to another's will — his intellectual and moral nature subject to 
the restraint and control of another's authority ? Sir, tiicse 
gentlemen are ready to fight for the liberty of private judg- 
ment. And yet all the young men of the country, under 
twenty-one years of age, are reduced to that condition, not 
because their rights are not natural, inherent, and inalienable, 
but simply because the interests of society require that they 
should 1)6 kept under this personal restraint until they are fitted 
for political and social equality. 

But, sir, I appeal again " to the gentleman's immortal 
spirit," and I ask him, can he rightfully be deprived of all 
political power, even the right of voting; every civil privilege, 
even of suing, in a Government which acts upon every relation 
of his being, which taxes his person and taxes his property, 
and affects, for weal or woe, the destinies of his posterity ? 
The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Bingham] has already justified 
rebellion in Kansas "to maintain the natural right of self-gov- 
ernment ;" and the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Ferry] 
has asserted that one of the objects of our Revolution was to 
establish "universal equality in political rights." Yet, sir, 
one half of our adult population — the better half, who have 
the same immortal nature, and a far purer nature than ours — 
are reduced to that condition ; are deprived of every political 
right, of every civil privilege. Their existence is ignored by 
the laws of some States, and their very persons, in many in- 



IIELPEil's IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 187 

Btanccs, arc subject to the custody of coarser and inferior 
natures. And these gentlenieii justify all this, not upon the 
ground that woman's nature is not immortal, or that her rights 
ai-e less inherent and inalienable, but simply because the neces- 
sities of society demand licr consecration to those high and 
noble responsibilities which unfit her for the exercise of political 
riglits. 

Now, T put the question, and I want it answered, whether 
fcnuile dependence or the immaturity of youth constitute any 
better reason for the privation of ])olitical and social equality, 
for the infliction of civil disabilities and personal restraints, 
than the ignorance, superstition, the mental and moral debase- 
ment which centuries of barbarism have entailed, upon a servile 
race? I want to know, sir, if the good of society, its interests 
and order, as a whole, docs not require that this race should be 
retained in its existing relation ; whether the institution does 
not stand vindicated by every principle upon which human 
institutions repose ? 

Mr. Chairman, the mistake of these gentlemen is this: that 
men are to be governed by certain fixed, inflexible, invariable 
rules, deduced from natural reason ; and that a government 
which is applicable to a race of intelligent white men can be 
forced npon States consisting of two distinct races, opposite 
in color, and differing as widely in character, disposition, moral 
and mental habits, as are the opposing characteristics of bar- 
barism and civilization. 

But, sir, shall we always be disputing about these "natural 
rights of man" and the foundations of society ? Are we to 
have no time-honored institutions, no recognized precedents, 
no grand maxims of common law, growing up around our 
Constitution, and almost as sacred as the Constitution itself ? 
Is our grand Eepublic, its destiny, its administration, its 
policy, to be forever floating hither and thither upon the un- 
certain billows of this beautiful but dangerous sea of political 



188 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

metaphysics ? Are these gentlemen prepared to say that every 
institution of society ninst stand or fall, according as it con- 
forms, or fails to conform, to some principle of natural right, 
deduced by each generation from natural reason ? Where, 
sir, would such a principle stop? There are philosophers, and 
I believe they are correct, who say that the right of individual 
property caimot be deduced from the natural reason of man. 

But, sir, this principle is not limited in its action to political 
forms ; it institutes revolt in all the elements of the social 
system, and raises impious war against the recognized ordi- 
nances and express commandments of God. The gentleman 
from Connecticut [Mr. Ferry] stated, the other day, that 
there was no warrant in the language of inspiration for the 
relation of master and slave as it exists in the South. Now, 
sir, I am not going to quote the Bible upon these gentlemen ; 
but I propose to give them the language of a learned Northern 
divine, the president of a northern college, an advocate of 
immediate abolition, whose book on moral science is the text- 
book of your northern colleges, academies, and schools. Dr. 
Wayland, in his letters on the subject of slavery, speaking of 
the 25th chapter of Leviticus, in which the Hebrews are com- 
manded to buy the children of the strangers among them, uses 
the following language : 

"The authority to take them as slaves seems to be a part of 
this original, peculiar, and anomalous grant." 

I presume, Mr. Chairman, none but an Abolitionist would 
characterize a grant of God as anomalous. 

Again : 

"I grant at once that the Hebrews held .s/a res from the 
time of the conquest of Canaan, and that Abraham and the 
patriarchs held them many centuries before. I grant, also, 
Moses enacted laws with special reference to that relation." 

I hope I have the attention of the gentleman from Connecti- 
cut, [Mr. Ferry] to the next sentence : 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 189 

" I wonder," says Dr. "Waylaiid, "that ninj ahoiild have the 
hnr(Ji/,,,o(I lo deny so plain a mailer of record. I should as 
ijuon doiij the delivery of the ten commandments to Closes.'" 

iNIr. Fkrry. — Will the gontleniaii yield to ine a moment? 

Mr. Lamar. — It is this stupid hour rule that prevents my 
yieldiniz: to the gcntlemau. 

!Mr. Feury. — I do not wish to interrupt the gentleman 
further tiian to say, that I will take another opportunity to 
answer him. 

Mr. Lamar. — Sir, the gentleman said that the sentiment of 
all Christendom was repugnant to the institution of slavery. 
Christianity came into the world when the relation of master 
and slave was one of cruelty and hostility. " Our slaves are 
our enemies," was the observation of the elder Cato. How 
did our Saviour and his apostles treat that relation ? I pro- 
pose, sir, no views of ray own ; but I will give an extract from 
Dr. Wayland's Elements of Moral Science, the text-book of 
your northern schools. In an argument, seeking to prove 
"the moral principles of the Gospel to be directly subvcrsivo 
of the principles of slavery," he makes the following admis- 
sion : 

" The Gospel neither commands masters to manumit their 
slaves nor authorizes slaves to free themselves from their 
masters; and, also, it goes further, and prescribes the duties 
suited to both parti ^s in their present condition." 

Again : 

"The didy of slaves is also explicitly made known in the 
Bible. They are bound to obedience, fidelity, submission, and 
respect to their masters, not only to the good and kind, but 
also to the unkind and froward ; not, however, on the ground 
of duty to man, but on the ground of duty to God." — Way- 
land's Elements of Moral Science, pages 225 and 229, edition 
in the Congressional Library. 

This is abolition authority, I want it understood. 



190 nELPER'S I.MPEXDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 

Now, sir, the teachiiiirs of the A|iostles, as they are here 
made known by Dr. Wayiand, were the teachings uf the 
Christian Church. The Chnrch was itself a slaveholder, and 
Cliristian kings and princes followed its example. There is in 
Hampton Court at this day, the marble bust of the favorite 
negro slave of William III., Prince of Orange — one of the 
cherubim of English liberty — with a carved collar around his 
neck, with a padlock upon it, and in every respect made like a 
dog's collar. 

But, sir, there is one authority which I came near forgetting 
to read, and which I suppose stands higher with those gentle- 
men than even Dr. Wayiand. It is a work which is an elabo- 
rate exposition of certain abstract principles of New England 
theology and politics, ali)eit in a narrative and dramatic form. 
I read from the " Minister's Wooing," by j\Irs. Harriet 
Beecher Stowe. In this novel, which would stand unequalled 
as a work of fiction but for the anti-slavery bigotry which runs 
like a coarse black thread through the otherwise admirable 
tissue of thought and feeling, she puts in the nu-ath of the 
erudite and learned Dr. Hopkins — the hero, by the way, of 
the tale — the following answer to Mr. Marvyn's question : 

" Was there not an express permission given to Israel to 
buy and hold slaves as of old ?" 

Says the Doctor : 

" Doubtless ; but many permissions were given to them 
which were local and temporary ; for if we hold them to apply 
to the human race, the Tnrks might quote the Bible for making 
slaves of us, if they could ; and the Algerines have the Scrip- 
tures all on their side ; and our own blacks at some future 
time, if they can get tlie power, might justify themselves in 
making slaves of us." [Page 174.] 

Now, sir, I do not wish the point of my argument misunder- 
stood. I am not seeking to show a Bible sanction of Southern 
slavery as it now exists. I do not osk your assent to that. My 



helper's impending ciiisis dissected. 101 

point is, tliat the 2«v;/?c/p?e with which you are warring upon 
us, is condemned by the ordinance of God and the language 
of Scripture. I say that God would never, even "for local and 
temporary purposes," have given permission for that which 
conies in conflict with those immutable principles of natural 
right of which he is the author. When he established slavery 
among the Jews, he established the principle that there may 
be conditions and circumstances under which slavery is not 
"hateful to God or unjust to man." Nor docs this argument 
justify Turkish slavery, Algcrinc slavery, or white slavery ; it 
justifies no sort of slavery except that which justifies itself by 
the rightfulness of its own conditions and circumstances. And 
this is the ground upon which we of the South place our cher- 
ished institutions. "We maintain that these justifying circum- 
stances do exist in relation to our institution of negro slavery. 
They consist in the unfitness of the black race for a condition 
higher than that of slavery. Our proposition is, that when 
tiiese two races are brought into contact, the supremacy of the 
white man must be acknowledged, and his right to govern both 
races with reference to the happiness of both. This is the 
principle upon which, until recently, the legislation of all your 
Northern States was founded. They all asserted the supremacy 
of the white man, and the subordination of the black man. 

The gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Feruy] stated that 
the object of our Revolution was to establish "universal 
equality in political rights, and the indefeasible title of all men 
to social and civil liberty." He ought to have had the candor 
to have held up his own State to public reprehension for vio- 
lating this principle ; for, in Connecticut, he knows the negro 
has neither political nor social equality; tliat he is deprived of 
the right of voting ; that he is legally incompetent as a wit- 
ness against white men, and excluded from the right of inter- 
marriage with whites. Those gentlemen guard sedulously 
enough against all contact of this race with themselves or their 



192 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

own class of societj-. I could not insult that £ccntleman more 
grossly than to ask him if he is willing to throw opon the 
sacred precincts of his family and allow the negro to come in 
as an equal member. No, sir; bat he is for freeing his labor, 
and, possibly, for giving him the right of voting, and by that 
means bringing him in contact and equality, not with himself, 
but with the laboring white freemen of the North ; atid why 
such a proposition does not kindle a consnming flame of indig- 
nation among those laboring freemen of the North, is one of 
those political phenomena for which I will not undertake to 
account. 

Sir, the only cause of the difference between the legislation 
of Northern and Southern States upon the subject of slavery 
is, that the negroes are not sufficient in numbers at the North 
to make it necessary to reduce them to the condition of do- 
mestic servitude, while with us that condition is indispensable 
to the good order and welfare of the whole society. And it is 
demonstrable — and I will make it so ai)pear, if I have time — 
that the negro in the Southern States has reached a moral and 
intellectual development superior to his race in any other posi- 
tion in which he has been placed. That he contributes more, 
in his present condition, to the good of mankind, their moral 
and intellectual progress, than in any other position in which 
he has been placed. What was his condition when he was lirst 
brought here ? Look at him upon his native continent. The 
most humane explorers of the African continent tell us that 
they exist there without social or political order, without 
modesty or shame, — some of the tribes not even reaching the 
civilization of the fig-leaf. 

I propose, just here, to read from Hegel's Philosophy of 
History, an imperishable monument of human genius, in which 
the author holds "freedom to be the essence of humanity, and 
slavery the condition of injustice." And what does he say ? 

" The negro, as already observed, exhibits the natural man 



HELPER'S IIMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 193 

in his completely wild and untamed stale. "We must lay aside 
all thought of reverence and morality, all that we call feeling, 
if we would rightly com])rchend him. There is nothing har- 
monious with humanity to be found in this type of character." 
[Page 97.] 

" The undervaluing of humanity among thorn reaches an in- 
credible degree of intensity. Tyranny is regarded as no wrong, 
and cannibalism is looked upon as quite customary and proper." 
* * * * " Tlic devouring of human flesh is altogether 
consonant with the general principles of the African race. To 
the sensual negro, human flesh is but an object of sense — mere 
flesh." [Pages 99-lOO.J 

After describing many other characteristics, the author con- 
cludes "slavery to have been the occasion of the increase of 
human feeling among the negroes. The doctrine which we 
deduce from this condition of slavery among the negroes, and 
which constitutes the only side of the question that has an in- 
terest for our inquiry, is, that which we deduce from the idea, 
viz. : that the 'natural condition' itself is one of absolute and 
thorough injustice, contravention of the right and just. Every 
intermediate grade between this and the realization of a rational 
state retains, as might be expected, elements and aspects of in- 
justice. Therefore, we find slavery even in the Greek and 
lloraan States, as we do serfdom, down to the latest times. 
But thus existing in a State, slavery is itself a phase of ad- 
vance from the merely isolated sensual existence, a phase of 
education, a mode of becoming participant in a higher mor- 
ality, and the culture connected loilh it.''^ [Page 104.] 

Now, sir, who will say that the three hundred thousand ne- 
groes, whose character is thus described by this German author, 
brought over to this continent, would ever have had their con- 
dition improved, or would ever have secured to themselves the 
benefits they now enjoy, had they been left in their "natural 
condition?" At that time there were two barbarous races 
17 



194 helper's impexdixg crisis dissected. 

which came in contact, upon this contiucut, with the European. 
The one was the African, occupying the knvcst point in the 
scale of human existence; the other was the noble Indian race, 
superior to the African in intelligence, in moral and physical 
development. Free as the wild bird of his native forests, bold 
as the stream which dashed down his mountain gorges, generous 
as the bounteous nature around him, the American Indian goes 
into history the poetic embodiment of savage life. \Yhat has 
been his fate, compared with that of the African ? 

What has become of the Narragansetts, Pequots, Senecas, 
Oneidas, and Delawares ? Driven back by the advancing wave 
of European civilization to continually contracting circles, with 
diminished means of subsistence, into degradation, wretched- 
ness, and extinction. 

The African, with all its foulness, wMth all its prosaic vulgar- 
ities, domesticated and disciplined, has been by that same wave 
borne up higher and higher, until now it furnishes inspiration 
for Northern song, heroes and heroines for Northern romances, 
and is invited by Northern statesmen into their charmed circle 
of political and social equality. Not just yet, gentlemen, if 
you please. He is not your equal ; and history proves that 
even when he has reached this point of civilization, if you take 
from under him the institution which has borne him up to it, 
he relapses into his pristine barbarism. I intended to show 
this by detailed references to the French islands, the English 
Antilles, and other countries in which slavery has been abolished. 
I could have shown that in Hayti, where the negro was left 
with all the endowments of a civilization which vied with that 
of Rome, in gorgeous magnificence, you see now nothing but 
poverty, vice, indolence, and all the other signs of a rapidly 
approaching barbarism. I intended to show from anti-slavery 
authority that the British Antilles have disappointed every 
promise and frustrated every hope that accompanied the act of 
emancipation. I intended to show the condition of the free 



nKLPEU's IMPENDING CRISIS DIFSKCTED. Id') 

colored population in Peru, as c.xliihited by a most iiitellitieut 
(ierriiau Iravelcr, Ton Tseliiuli, whose work was published 
anioiii,^ tlic "Choice Reading" of the anli-skivery pubHsluiig 
house of Wiley Sc rutuam, in New York. 

I need not refer to Liberia. The gentleman formerly from 
Missouri []Mr. Blair], has demonstrated on this floor that 
Liberia is a failure, and Africa still the "house of bondage." 
The distinguished gentleman from Ohio [Mr. CorwinJ has ex- 
pressed some doubt about that matter, but he can certainly 
l)oint to no sign of an advance beyond the original moral 
status of the colony; and, sir, if it docs not show signs of decay 
and dissolution, it is because the emigration of our freed ne- 
groes ]iours constantly into the shrunken veins of its sickly 
civilization fresh tides of moral and mental life. I need not 
refer to the condition of the free negro in the Northern States, 
These gentlemen are familiar with it. One thing I will say, 
that the Census returns show that his moral and physical con- 
dition is superior in the Soutli^to what it is in the Xorlh. And 
if freedom to the individual be such a boon and blessing to the 
African, Southern slavery has done more in this resi)ect for the 
race than Northern abolitionism. There have been one hun- 
dred thousand more emancipated by the Southern States than 
have been emancipated by the Northern States ; and there are 
forty thousand free negroes living in the South, now, more than 
are resident in the Northern States. 

If, then, we show that the condition of the negro at the 
South is superior to his condition in any other country, and 
that the abolition of slavery has always been followed by im- 
mediate retrogression, I ask of what has humanity to complain 
against the institution ? 

Sir, another argument that has been advanced by Northern 
gentlemen, and by the leader of their party is, that the inter- 
ests of the white race require the exclusion of this institution 
from new territory ; that it should be dedicated to free soil, 



196 HELPEIl's IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 

and to tlie frcenieii of the Xonh. Now, 1 want to say, in 
passing, that that puts out of view every consideration of hu- 
manity which these gentlemen have made tlie instrument of the 
fanaticism that has liitlierto been waged against us. But I will 
pass on. How do the interests of the wiiite race require the 
restriction of slavery? They say that free labor is dishonored 
by its contact with slave labor. How? The two systems co- 
exist under our Republic. Look at labor as it exists at the 
North — the mighty Norib — the seat of commerce, manufac- 
tures, mechanic arts, accumulated wealth, and common schools. 
Look at the mighty population that fills that vast territory 
with the hum of its free industry. The toiling millions that 
constitute the substratum on which this splendid fabric of free 
society rears its asjiiring head ! Are they not all freemen ? 
Is not each one of them the^qual of the proudest and richest 
in the land, — tenacious of his rights and proud of his posi- 
tion ? What, tlmngh he is often compelled to toil in mid-day, 
while the very earth is melting with fervent heat, and while the 
negro slave is resting from his work, still his labor is dignified 
and honorable, because it is free ; and although commerce may 
languish, and manufactures go into decay, and the wages of 
labor fall, and the price of provisions increase, yet he can hush 
the mutterings of discontent and still the gnawings of hunger 
by the one proud, glorious thought — the dignity of labor. 
Now, how is this labor contaminated by the existence of 
Southern .slave labor? Sir, our negroes are working under 
and for your free laborers at the North. They furnish them 
with the raw material on which this free labor exercises its 
skill and industry, — the raw material which is the very basis 
of your commerce and manufacturing enterprise. 

But you say it becomes dishonored by coming in contact 
with slave labor in the coramou territory. This very contact 
exists in the South : and is labor dishonored there ? Why, 
according to the estimate of these gentlemen, there are only 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 197 

three luindred and twenty thousand slaveholders in the South : 
all the balance are non-slavcholding laborers. Mark thatl 
Now, gentlemen, universal suffrage exists in the South. Each 
one of these three hundred and twenty thousand slaveholders 
has one vote, and no more. Each one of the five million non- 
slaveholders has one vote, and no less. These latter, then, 
have the overwhelming majority. Sir, the institution is in the 
hollow of the hand of the non-slaveliolder of the Soutli. He 
has but to close his hand, and the institution is crushed. He 
sees its effects on the slave ; he feels its effects on himself. 
Sir, if these effects were degrading, why not throw it off, when 
he could do it by simply depositing a ballot in a senseless urn ? 
I will tell you why he does not do it. I will show you why it 
is that, from that vast body of independent, voting freemen, 
there comes up not one whisper of disapprobation, not one 
murmur of discontent, not one protest against its morality, its 
justice, and its expediency. It is because there is no class 
among whom negro slavery secures such wide-spread blessings 
as the non-slaveholders of the South. There has never been 
a race of men more maligned and lied about than that very 
class of freemen in the South. I know them. I have lived 
among them, and have felt the heart-warm grasp of their strong 
hands ; and I tell you, Mr. Chairman, that God's sun does not 
shine on a nobler, prouder, happier, more i)rosperous, and ele- 
vated class of people, than the non-slaveholders of the South. 
It is impossible, from the very nature and constitution of South- 
ern society, that it should be otherwise. 

I have time to mention only one fact, among others, that 
shows you its advantages in their view. Mr. Webster, in one 
of his speeches, spoke of the ownership of land as constituting 
the basis of free government, and said that suffrage should be 
restricted to those whose property gave them an interest in the 
preservation of the State. Now, I do not think that. I think 
that an honest, intelligent laboring man is as much entitled to 
17- 



198 helper's lAirENDIXG CRISIS DISSECTED. 

a participation in the Government as the member of any other 
class of society. 

But there are certain moral advantages in favor of a land- 
owning community. Sir, in every country, and in every age, 
the proprietorship of the soil has been regarded as a position 
of dignity and of personal elevation. Now, sir, that is the posi- 
tion of tlie non-slaveholding laborers of the South. They are a 
nation of landowners. There is not such a body of landowners 
-in the world as the non-slaveholders of the South. Each of 
them feels in himself a pride of character, an elevation of posi- 
tion ; and, sir, he feels that he is not merely a freeman, he is a 
a freeholder : more than that, he is a gentleman. You talk 
about free labor at the North and free soil, as if it did not 
exist in greater purity in the South than anywhere else. What 
you call " operatives" have to share the proGts of their labor with 
capital, and it is hinted that capital gets the lion's share. What 
we call "slaves" are owned by capital, and get their return 
only in food, raiment, shelter, and protecting care. But, sir, 
true free labor is that which the Southern farmer, with his own 
free arm, applies to his own soil, allowing neither master, capi- 
talist, nor employer, to have any participation in its profits. 
And, sir, what are those profits ? Not alone the crop of cot- 
ton, corn, and potatoes : something more than that. When 
the strong, brave man drives his plowshare through the fallow 
ground, the up-turned sod reveals to his eye that which is richer 
to him than the golden sands of California : 

" 'Tis the sparkle of liberty" 

and personal independence. Sir, at the end of the year he 
has other gains, too, that his labor brings him : the industry 
and honesty of the father, the household virtues of the mother, 
the intelligence of the sons, the chastity of the daughters, — 
there, sir, is a harvest which we would not barter for this wide 
world's commerce, aed all its honors besides. 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 199 

But, sir, let us sec what tliis institution lias done fur the pro- 
gress of mankind ; and this brings nie to the third class of ineu 
in the South who have been subject to misrepresentation. I 
allude to the Southern planters. I have but a moment to 
spare, and I will allude to one branch of Southern industry as 
an illustration of the whole, — I mean cotton culture. Sonic 
idea of the importance of the cotton trade to the civilized 
world may I)e obtained by the following graphic description of 
its influence upon Great Britain, from the ]>en of IMacaulay ; 

"I see in this country a great manufacturing population 
drawing the materials of mannfaclure from a limited market. 
I see a great cotton trade carried on, which furnishes nearly 
two million people willi food, clothes, and firing ; and I say 
that, if you shut out slave-grown cotton, you would produce a 
iHass of misery among the people whom Providence has com- 
mitted to your charge, frightful to contemplate ; you would in- 
troduce desolation into your richly-flourishing manufacturing 
districts ; you would reduce hundreds on hundreds to beggary 
and destitution ; you would risk the stability of your institu- 
tions ; and when you had done all this, you would have great 
reason to doubt whether you had conferred any great benefits 
on the particular class for whom you made such a sacrifice." 

Now, sir, the cotton plant grows in the East Indies. It has 
been long a product of Bengal and ^Malabar. It grows in the 
West Indies. During the French domination, Hayli exported 
a larger cpiantity of cotton than the North American continent. 
It exists in Persia ; it exists in Brazil ; it exists in Egypt and 
China ; in Spain, in ]\[alta, and in Mexico ; it exists in Africa 
itself. The peculiarity of climate and soil necessary to its 
production has been greatly exaggerated, in my opinion. I 
attribute the vast production, swelled from one hundred and 
fifty thousand pounds to four million bales in seventy years, to 
the combination of moral and. physical qualities which have 
been associated in its culture. 



200 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

The Southern planter is not the indolent, aristocratic nabob 
which he has been represented to be. He is, in general, care- 
ful, patient, provident, industrious, forbearing, and yet firm 
and determined. It is these qualities which have enabled him 
to take a race of untamed savages, with no habits except such 
as inspire disgust, with no arts, no information, and out of 
such a people to make the finest body of fixed laborers that 
the world has ever seen. Sir, England has imported Coolies, 
Qhinese, natives from the African coast, into her colonies, and 
yet she has been unable to compete with the Southern planta- 
tions. There is no product which requires such a constant and 
unremitting attention, such continuous labor, as the cotton 
plant. The great complaint in the British colouies is, that the 
fruit of each year's eftbrt is lost by the broken and irregular 
labor of the operatives. Now, sir, the Southern planter has 
secured continuity, consistency, and steadfastness in the most 
indolent, inconsistent, and capricious of the human race. 
Burke, in his speech upon conciliation with America, paid to 
the victorious industry employed in the fisheries of the colonies 
of New England a just and glowing tribute of admiration. 
The perseverance, the dexterous and firm sagacity enlisted in 
that perilous mode of industry, is worthy of his esteem. Some- 
thing of the same qualities are displayed by the Southern 
planter in the production of those beneficent results whicli have 
flowed from the culture of the great tropical products of the 
Southern States. 

The Southern planter penetrates the dense forests, the 
tangled brake, the gloomy wilderness of our river swamps, 
where pestilence has its abode, and there, day by day and year 
by year, amidst exposure, privation, and sickness, are his fore- 
sight, his prudence, his self-reliance, his adaptation of means to 
ends, called into requisition. In the communion witli himself, 
. — which his isolation makes indispensable, — and in the daily 
and yearly provision for a large body of domestics and depend- 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 201 

ents for whom he has to think, and whose labor he has to 
direct, he forms those qualities which enable him to emerge 
from his isolation to fill the county court, or to become a 
member of his State Legislature; to discharge the duties of 
local magistracy, or to take his place in the National councils. 

The solution of the enigma of the "slave power," so mys- 
terious to transcendental and infant-school philosophers, may 
be sought here. Its basis lies in that cool, vigorous judgment 
and unerring sense applicable to the ordinary affairs and inter- 
course of men which the Southern mode of life fosters. The 
habits of industry, firmness of purpose, fidelity to dependents, 
self-reliance, and the sentiment of justice in all -the various re- 
lations of life which are necessary to the management of a 
well-ordered plantation, fit men to guide legislatures and com- 
mand armies. 

I see gentlemen are disposed to smile at this suggestion. In 
confirmation of what I say, I have only to point them to the 
fact that it was in such communiiies as these that a Washing- 
ton, a Jackson, a Taylor, a Scott, a Twiggs, a Quitman, a 
Davis, a Lee, a Ringgold, a Bragg, a Butler, and a host of 
others, acquired those qualities which enabled them, in the 
positions in which their country placed them, to add such un- 
dying lustre to the American name. It was in such communi- 
ties that such men as Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Polk, 
Lowndes, Calhoun, Clay, Macon, Marshall, Taney, and a host 
of others that I could mention, acquired those characteristics 
which their countrymen North and South instinctively dis- 
cerned whenever " called upon to face some awful moment 
to which Heaven has joined great issues, good or bad, for 
human kind." 

I have sought, sir, in a cursory way, under the whip and 
spur of this hour rule, to show that there is nothing in our in- 
stitutions which cannot stand justified before impartial history 
for our mode of dealing with the race which Providence has 



202 HELPERS IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 

placed ill our hands. I do not pretend to say that, in the ad- 
justment of our economic forces, there may not be ameliora- 
tions. I do not pretend to say that we have arrived at a 
standard of ideal perfection. " But I do say tliat there is a 
reacli of thought and a maturity of judgment brought to bear 
upon this subject in the South which is always adequate to 
evolve the greatest good. We certainly can learn nothing 
from the enemies of our institutions and conspirators against 
our peace. 

I come to the last consideration I think it jtroper to urge 
ui>on the attention of the House. Is it the part of statesmen 
to attempt to exercise the powers of this Government in a 
spirit unfriendly to the institutions and interests involved in 
the political and economical system which I have been discus.^- 
ing ? The father of the Constitution, Mr. Madison, on the 
floor of the Convention which framed it, expressed a different 
sentiment ; 

" He admitted that every peculiar interest, whether in any 
class of citizens or any description of States, ought to be se- 
cured as far as possible. Wherever there is danger op 

ATTACK, there OUGHT TO BE GIVEN A CONSTITUTIONAL POWER 

OF DEFENSE. But he Contended the States were divided into 
different interests, not by their dilfcrence in size, but by other 
circumstances, the most material of which resulted partly from 
climate, but princii>ally from the elTecls of their having, or not 
having, slaves. These two causes concurred in forming the 
great division of interests in the United States. It did not 
lay between the large and small States. It lay between the 
Northern and Southern States; and, if any defensive power 
were necessary, it oiicjld lo be mu/iialli/ to these tico intercuts. 
lie was so strongly impressed with this important truth, he 
had been casting about in his mind for some scheme that would 
answer the purpose." 

I do not anticipate that the magnanimous counsels of a wise 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 203 

and patriotic statesman, whose provisions embraced in their 
scope the entire Republic, will obtain sucli antliority as to 
secure additional guarantees to our institutions. These we 
have not asked. We ask only our constitutional rights in the 
Union. The Southern people demand that this organized 
" irrepressible conflict" shall stop — that the institution of slav- 
ery shall be maintained as an existing fact in this Confederacy. 
The sentiment is rapidly approaching to unanimity among 
them, that any attempt to impair its property-value, or a single 
political privilege which it confers, or any of the constitutional 
rights by which it i.s guarantied, or to place over them the 
l^arty which arrogates to itself the right to do any of these 
things, will be a fatal blow at the peace and stability of this 
great country. 



CHAPTER X. 

Helper's Quotations from the Bible annihilated — Slavery not de- 
nounced by the Bible — The Proofs of Slavery as it existed before 
Clnist— Southern Slavery Beneficial both to the Slave and his 
Master — The Bible endorses Slavery : hence the cry of the Repub- 
licans, " We must have an Anti-slavery Bible, an Anti-slavery 
Constitntion, and an Anti-slavery God !" 

Mr. Helper quotes the Bible as condemning slavery. 
Man -will, when his mind becomes prejudiced, pervert the 
Holy Scriptures to evil, — his ideas thus giving it a mean- 
ing that was never intended by the inspired writers, viz. : 
a contradiction of itself. Now, we will say, that there is 
no condemnation set forth in the Bible in regard to 
slavcrv. In illustration of this statement, let the reader 
take such as these: — "Being filled with all unrighteous- 
ness, fornication, wickedness, covetousness, malicoiusness, 
full of envy, murder, debate, deceit, malignity ; whisper- 
ers, backbiters, haters of God, despiteful; proud, boasters, 
inventors of evil things, disobedient to parents, without 
understanding, covenant breakers, without natural affection, 
implacable, unmerciful." Rom. i, 29-31. "Now the 
works of the flesh are manifest, which are these; adultery, 

fornication, uncleanness, lasciviousness, idolatry, witch- 
(204) 



helper's impendinq crisis dissected. 205 

craft, hatred, variance, emulation, ■wrath, strife, sedition, 
heresies, envjings, murders, drunkenness, revellings, and 
such like." Gal. v. 19-21. See, also. Matt. xv. 19; 
Mark vii. 21, 22; 1 Cor. v. 11, vi. 9, 10; Eph. v. 5; 
Col. iii. 8, 9 ; 1 Tim. i. 9, 10 ; 2 Tim. iii. 2-4 ; Rev. xxi. 8, 
xxli. 15. 

By turning to the xxv. chap. Leviticus, 44th to 46th 
verses, inclusive, you will find the following words in sup- 
port of slavery : — " Both thy hond-vien and thy hond-maids, 
which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are 
round about you ; of them shall ye buy hond-men and 
bond-maids. Moreover, of the children of the strangers 
that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and of 
their families that are with you, which they begat in your 
land; and they shall be your j^ossession,'' {i. e., your pro- 
perty.) "xind ye shall take them as an inheritance for 
your children after you^ to inherit them for a possession, 
they shall be your bond-men forever J" 

"And the sons of Noah, that went forth of the ark, 
were Shorn, and Ham, and Japheth ; and Ham is the fa- 
ther of Canaan : these are the three sons of Noah ; and 
of them was the whole earth overspread." 

Noah attained the age of nine hundred and fifty years ; 
this period is divided thus : six hundred before the Deluge, 
and three hundred and fifty years after that event. This 
makes the age of N)ah the second highest on record, that 
of Methuselah being the first, he having lived nine hun- 
dred and sixty-nine years. Noah died Anno 3Iundi, 2006, 
18 



206 helper's IMPEXDINa CRISIS DISSECTED. 

as is generally agreed. Previous to his decease, he divided 
the earth among his three sons. Asia was assigned to 
Shem, Europe to Japheth, and Africa to Ham. 

In the examination of the Holy Scriptures closely, we 
■will find the prophecy concerning slavery. — " And Noah 
began to be a husbandman, and he planted a vineyard : 
and he drank of the wine, and was drunken ; and he was 
uncovered within his tent. And Ham, the father of Ca- 
naan, saw the nakedness of his father, and told his 
brethren without. And Shem and Japheth took a gar- 
ment, and laid it upon their shoulders, and went backward, 
and covered their father's nakedness. And Noah awoke 
from his wine, and knew what his younger son had done 
unto him. And he said, Cursed he Canaan ; a servant of 
urvants shall he he unto his hrethreji." Here we have the 
establishment of slavery: its practical developments will 
appear as we progress. 

Now we intend to show that the old Patriarchs were 
slaveholders : — 

" Abimelech, King of Gerar, sent and took Sarah. But 
God came to Abimelech, in a dream by night, and said to 
him. Behold, thou art but a dead man, for the woman which 
thou hast taken, for she is a man's wife." "And Abim- 
elech took sheep, and oxen, and men-servants, and gave 
them unto Abraham, and restored him Sarah his wife." 
Here we see, that Abraham had not only the number of 
his slaves incrensed, but that slavery existed in Palestine 
at this time. We think it will be evident, by reading the 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 207 

otlicr passages in connection with what we have quoted 
above. 

Isaac was a shivehohlcr, — "For he had possession of 
flocks, and possession of herds, and great store of servants, 
and the Philistines envied him." 

Jacob was a slaveholder. — When Jacob left Messopota- 
mia, and was returning to the Promised Land, expecting 
to meet Esau, whom he greatly feared, he sent messengers 
to him, " And commanded them, saying, Thus shall ye 
speak unto my Lord Esau : Thy servant Jacob saith thus : 
I have sojourned with Laban, and stayed there until now ; 
and I have oxen, and asses, flocks, and men-servants, and 
women-servants ; and I have sent to tell my lord, that I may 
find grace in thy sight." 

Having shown that slavery existed before the Advent of 
our Lord Jesus Christ, we will now proceed to show that the 
condition of slaves in Judea, in our Lord's day, was no bet- 
ter than it now is in our Southern States, whilst in all 
other countries it was greatly worse. 

In Judea. " Both the food and clothing of slaves were 
of the poorest description. All their earnings went to 
their masters. The maid-servants were employed in do- 
mestic concerns, though not unfrequently they were com- 
pelled to engage in those duties which, from their nature, 
were more befitting the other sex." 

" They commonly had the consent of their masters to 
marry ; or, rather, to connect themselves with a woman in 
that way wdiich is denominated by a Latin law term contu- 



208 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

bernium* The children that proceeded from this sort of 
marriages, were the property, not of the parents, but of 
their owners." — Jahn's Archaeology, pp. 180, 181. 

In Rome. " For slaves the lash was the common punish- 
ment ; but for certain crimes, they used to be branded 
on the forehead, and sometimes were forced to carry a 
piece of wood round their necks wherever they went. 
When slaves were beaten, they used to be suspended with 
a weight tied to their feet, that they might not move them. 
When punished capitally, they were commonly crucified. 
If a master of a family was slain in his own house, and 
the murderer not discovered, all his domestic slaves were 
liable to be put to death. There was a continual market 
for slaves at Rome. The seller was bound to promise for 
the soundness of his slaves, and not to conceal their faults. 
Hence they were commonly exposed to sale naked ; and 
they carried a scroll hanging at their necks, on which 
their good and bad qualities were specified." — i\.dam'3 
Horn. Ant. pp. 48, 51. 

In Greece. The condition of slaves in Greece appears 
to have been much the same as at Rome. — Potter's Gr. 
Ant. 1, 10. 

Evident reference to slavery on the part of the Apos- 
tle we have in 1 Cor. vi. 20; vii. 22. St. Paul, in 
reference to the custom of purchasing slaves, on whose 

* " Contuhernutm was the matrimony of slaves, a permitted cohabita- 
tion; not partaking of lawful marriage, wliicli they could not con- 
tract." — Cooper's Justinian, p. 420. 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 209 

head a price was then fixctl, just as upon any other com- 
modity, and who, when bought, were the property of the 
purchaser, by a very beautiful and expressive similitude, 
represents Christians as the servants (doulos) of Christ. 
And in Gal. vi. 17, alluding to the signatures with which 
slaves in those days were branded, writes : — " From hence- 
forth let no man trouble me, for I bear in my body the 
marks of the Lord Jesus." — Home's Introduction. 

"With the apostle, the word servant (doulos) is a favorite 
■word for setting forth the relation which they sustained to 
Christ, as persons entirely and for life devoted to his 
service, and bound to implicit obedience. (See Rom. i. 1 ; 
2 Pet. i. 1 ; Jude 1.) 

But the most significant allusion to slavery — significant 
in so far as the point now under examination is concerned — 
is that contained in 1 Tim. i. 1, 9, 10:— "Know this, that 
the law is not made for a righteous man, but for the law- 
less and disobedient, for the ungodly and for sinners, for 
unholy and profane, for murderers of fathers and mur- 
derers of mothers, for manslayers, for whoremongers, for 
them that defile themselves with mankind, for menstealers 
(andrapodistais), for liars, for perjured persons, and if 
there be any other thing that is contrary to sound doc- 
trine." 

On the word andrapodistais, Bloomfield remarks : — 
*' Expositors are agreed that the word means kidnapping 
free persons to be sold as slaves, a crime universally re- 
garded as of the deepest dye, and always punished with 
18* 



210 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

death," — Bloomfield's New Testament. And in the coun- 
tries adjacent to that in which Timothy was when Paul 
•wrote this epistle to him, we have express testimony that 
kidnapping prevailed," 

Says the distinguished Dr, Armstrong, in his work on 
" The Christian Doctrine of Slavery" : " The distinctions 
between slaveholding and kidnapping is one always made, 
in so far as we know, in the laws of slaveholding states. 
Under Moses's law, slaveliolding was expressly authorized, 
(Lev. XXV. 44-46,) whilst kidnapping was made a capital 
crime." "And he that stcaleth a man and selleth him, 
or if he be found in his hand, {i. c, ' though he had not 
actually sold him' — Bp. Patrick,) he shall thereby be put 
to death," — Ex. xxi. IG. See also Deut. xxiv. 7. 
Timothy, who "from a child had known the Holy Scrip- 
tures," the Old Testament Scriptures of course, for the 
New Testament was not written in Timothy's childhood, 
must have been familiar with this distinction ; and when 
Paul writes to him, and, in giving a catalogue of sins to 
be condemned, mentions " man stealing" among crimes 
of the deepest dye, whilst in the same epistle he requires 
him to teach slaves to obey their masters ; and this the 
more heartily when the masters are Christian men, and to 
withdraw himself from any who should teach a different 

* " The Tliessalonians, according to Aristophanes, were notorioits 
for stealing persons of inglorious birth and education, and selling 
thena as slaves. But if any person was convicted of having be- 
trayed a freeman, he was severely punished by Solon's laws."— • 
Potter's Gr, Ant. i. 10. 



IlELrEIl's IMPENDING CKISIS DISSECTED. 211 

doctrine, (see 1 Tim. vi. 1-5,) the idea would be sug- 
gested inevitably that the distinction made in Moses's law 
continued under the Gospel dispensation." 

Think of this, ye llepublicans, sinners and hypo- 
crites ! ! ! 

Having showed that slavery was sanctioned by the Old 
Testament, we will proceed to show that it is also sanc- 
tioned by the New Testament, and will only quote a few 
passages as our limited space will not admit of an exten- 
sive quotation. 

" And ye masters, do the same things unto them, for- 
bearing threatening, knowing that your master also is in 
heaven, neither is there respect of persons with him." 

" Masters, give unto your servants that which is just 
and equal, knoAving that ye also have a master in heaven." 
— Paraphrase : Ye masters (who are saints and faithful 
brethren in Christ at Colosse, i. 2), give unto your slaves 
(douloi) that which is just and equal, knowing that ye also 
have a master in heaven. 

"And they that have believing masters, let them not 
despise them, because they are brethren ; but rather do 
ihem a service, because they are faithful and beloved 
partakers of the benefit. These things teach and exhort." 
" Servants (douloi) be obedient to those that are your 
masters according to the flesh, with fear and trembling, 
in singleness of your hearts, as unto Christ; not with eye- 
service, as man }.leas?re, but as the servants (douloi) of 
Christ, doing tho Vf'Al cf <^\\\ from the heart; with good- 



212 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

•will doing service as to the Lord, anil not to men : 
knowing that whatsoever good thing any man doeth, the 
same shall he receive of the Lord, whether he he bond or 
free." "And ye masters, do the same things unto them, 
forbearing threatening ; knowing that your master also 
is in heaven ; neither is there respect of persons with 
him." — Eph. vi. 5--9. 

It is a very singular fact that Helper quotes very little 
from the Bible to sustain (as he thinks) his declaration 
that the Bible is opposed to slavery. By reading what he 
has quoted, and what we have, there would seem to be a 
contradiction of the Bible. Not at all, for if we had the 
space, we could easily show not, but rather show that the 
Bible is a whole defense of slavery. We would recom- 
mend the reader to get a work entitled, " Bible Defense 
of Slavery," which obviates all further trouble on this 
point. Hence the saying of Mr. Burlingame, of Massa- 
chusetts, that " we must have an anti-slavery Bible, an 
anti-slavery Constitution, and an anti-slavery God." 



CHAPTER XI. 

Our Views on Slavery — Tlie Negro as he is, incompetent to do for 
Himself — The Proofs — Conclusion. 

Slavery, in most of its aspects, has occupied the atten- 
tion and exhausted the eloquence of the lights of our po- 
litical horizon. No question has ever been agitated more 
earnestly, or argued in a more acrimonious spirit. Non^ 
offered better opportunities to the pseudo-philanthropical 
debaters, — none presented the same record of enmity and 
recriminination existing between antagonistic parties, — all 
other issues have sunk into insignificance beside it ; and, 
the termination of the controversy, who can foresee ? 

Gentlemen from the North (representing the conserva- 
tive element of the Abolition party) protest against the 
existence of a servile class amongst them as an infraction 
of the laws of God, and as opposed to the interests of so- 
ciety! They speak of gradual manumition — coloniza- 
tion — of the inalienable rights of men — of the laws of 
morality, and the principles of justice. Their confreres, — 
pleasantly oblivious to the records of the past, to the 
teachings of science, and to common sense, — and they hold 
the institution as a curse, condemn the slaveholder as a 

(213) 



214 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

monster, assert tlie equality — physical, moral, and intellec- 
tual — of the Caucasian and the Negro ; and, like their 
gifted ally, that pious patriot, Mr. Burlingame, suggest 
(with the example of the French Assembly fresh in their 
memory) the substitution of a new Constitution, a new 
Bible, and a new God, for those which we at present re- 
cognize ! This is an eloquent exordium, but apparently 
implies a slight distrust in the warrant which religion and 
law give them for their crusade against the South. How- 
ever true the Roman moralist's remark may be, that "no 
man is wise at all times," it will scarcely cover the case of 
those who are not so at any time. Calm people, whose time 
is not taken up with preaching a war of extermination 
against those of our countrymen who live south of Mason 
and Dixon's line, must, we are inclined to believe, look upon 
the extremists of both parties with a feeling very much 
like contempt, for both, in the heat of personal feeling, 
appear to have entirely lost sight of the only arguments 
upon which the question can be rationally based: — 

Is the negro equal to the white man ? — the African to 
the Caucasian ? 

Ist, Intellectually. — History, which is the record of the 
development of the human race in time and space, rather 
militates against such a conclusion. Optimism and philan- 
thropy are both highly creditable to human nature, but 
neither the one nor the other can be considered to the ex- 
clusion of facts. It might be pertinently asked of those 
who avow their belief in the equality of the slave and his 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 215 

master, liow the nogro came to be bis sbave, wbcn botb 
races were equally endowed by nature ? and, more Soera- 
tieo, lie (tbe interrogator) migbt calmly inquire into tbe 
cause (which the Abolitionists would doubtless be able to 
assign) why it was that the negro was always a slave, — in 
India, Syria, and Egypt, three thousand years ago, as in 
Georgia, Louisiana, and Virginia, to-day, with the same 
brain in the same proportion to the white races ? — why, in 
the revolutions that have convulsed the nations under whom 
he lived a servant, has he not thrown off his fetters and 
become free ? — or, rather, v.hen undisturbed in the posses- 
sion of those regions in which he attains his greatest phy- 
sical perfection, and into which no invading army has ever 
penetrated, has he not, from the elaboration of those ele- 
ments which he has in common with the Caucasian, rivalled 
in some degree his progress in arms, arts, and letters ? 

Where are the obelisks of the Gold coast, the pyramids 
of Guinea, the temples of Zanguebar ? — Gone ! Where 
are their ruins ? Why has no navigator of the early times 
mentioned their existence, or recorded their traditions, in 
the unknown lands which recent enterprise has presented 
to us? 

In that delightful " province of the sun," explored by 
the English, where, generation after generation, age after 
age, the negro has lived secure from foreign invasion, why 
have no monuments of intellectual equality greeted the 
explorers, which would warrant us in believing in the doc- 
trine? Not to elevate the standard too high, — has the 



216 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

African ever equalled the Mongolian? Where, in the lands 
in* "which he has been domesticated, has he adopted the 
civilization around him, or preserved it, when removed for 
any length of time from those who taught it ? 

The elevated plateau of the Indo-Chinese world is 
scarcely more accessible, and has been little more open to 
foreign innovations than Africa. Can any similarity be 
traced between them ? — any man in his senses compare one 
with the other ? Yet the Mongol is not more superior to 
the negro than the Caucasian to him. 

If it be answered to this, that the race is one condemned 
by heaven, and the authority of the Old Testament (which 
is not recognized as applicable by modern science) cited to 
explain the reasons for that state of degradation which 
has ever been the lot of the African ; then it appears that 
these gentlemen, disregarding the remonstrances of St. 
Augustine, are using one part of the Bible to disprove the 
other, and (as we believe no new revelation has revoked 
the decree) trying to do, for the love of God, that which 
he has asserted should not be done. The inconvenience 
arising from this position of the question, no doubt, sug- 
gested to the inventive mind of the gentleman before 
quoted, the idea of having a new Bible. 

But, perhaps, the Northern philanthropist to whom these 
ai'guments were supposed to be addressed, having been 
fortunate enough to be born in Boston, and therefore, by 
divine right, knowing rather more than other people, might 
have answered the questions, though he could not have 

.. - 1 



helper's IMPENDINa CRISIS DISSECTED. 217 

denied the facts. Is there nothing more to be said ? 
Plenty. The only difficulty is how to say it without pre- 
venting those who are not initiated into the mysteries of 
science from clearly comprehending it ; and, also, without 
shocking the pure in heart, by an apparent contradiction 
of the Mosaic records. 

"Jefferson, in his notes, says slavery is an evil," (vehem- 
ently assert the gentlemen from the North.) And Jeffer- 
son was a slaveholder, and a Virginian, too. Certainly, 
he was more than this: he was a patriot — the author of 
the Declaration of Independence. He was a scholar, and 
a philosopher in his way, also. But then Jefferson was, 
after all, a man, and ^'•liumanum est errare" was as true 
when he lived as at this day. 

Unfortunately for his authority upon this point, most of 
that knowledge which can really render this question of 
slavery or abolition a rational one, was then unknown, or 
had, rather, no regular or scientific form. History, it is 
true, taught its lessons then as now ; but Ethnology, in 
all its departments, Physiology, Comparative Anatomy, 
Iconology, Comparative Philology, etc. etc., — how about 
these ! Are they unworthy our attention ! But does his- 
tory pronounce decidedly and without appeal against the 
institution of slavery ? If so, — where ! In Egypt, in In- 
dia, — in Greece, — Rome, — on the coasts of Africa, or the 
nations of the modern world ? It would evidently be im- 
possible to review their civilization in such a manner as to 
assert that it either did or did not. We can simply inquire 
19 



218 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

Avlietlicr this evil, fatal to the advance of improvement, the 
development of intellect, and the existence of refinement, 
is so represented in the records transmitted to us of these 
States ? It may be so, but I have never heard that any 
one of the holy Avatars was undertaken to destroy this 
hydra. It appears that, at the same period when the 
chisel of the artist sculptured the negro slave upon the 
marbles of the Thebais, the great Rameses was prose- 
cuting his conquests. Tliucydides and Polybius are 
strangely silent. Tacitus and Livy — why have they, who 
saw it in its worst and most cruel form, not depicted its 
tendencies and revealed its defects ? 

Yet slavery in the nations of antiqity, and also of the 
middle ages, was far more reprehensible than that of the 
United States : for it was the bondage of the white man to 
the white man — of equal to equal — as the event has in all 
these instances shown. 

The conquered enemy, whatever might have been his 
country or condition, became, in most instances, the slave 
of his conqueror, who exercised over him absolute power. 
The revolutions of the East, the servile war of Lacedseraon 
and the insurrection of Spartacus, when compared with that 
of St. Domingo, show, certainly, the same spirit of rapine 
and cruelty ; but, as to their results, there can be no mis- 
take. The former ended in the final liberation of the 
oppressed class. Why ? Did circumstances more favor- 
able occur to them than to the negro ? No ; but the others 
possessed those elements which entitled them to supremacy. 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 219 

and tlicy won it, — more than this, they kept it: they ivere 
competent to bear the brunt of misfortunes, because na- 
ture has so ordered it, that no instance has ever yet occur- 
red in the world's history, where a people have possessed 
the power of becoming free, civilized and enlightened, who 
have not compelled fate, as it were, to advance their inter- 
ests. 

To sum up : We know that, in the scale of humanity, 
the negro holds the lowest place ; that no system of juris- 
prudence, no principle of science, no rule of art, has ever 
originated from the brain of an African. 

That he has not the capacity for becoming, under any 
circumstances, an enlightened man ; that the nearest ap- 
proach to that state which he has made has not been perma- 
nent ; and that, deprived of his teacher, he again degener- 
ates into the condition of a barbarian. 

To account for these conditions, some supposition is 
necessary. The first was, that the decree of Heaven had 
blasted the parent source of the race, and that the suc- 
cessors of the son of Noah had never been permitted to 
regain their former capacity, or to rival their brethren in 
the part which they enacted in the Avorld's history. 

If the hypothesis before stated be'true to the extent to 
which some persons interpret it, the assertion of the 
" eq\iality'' of the races is neither more nor less than a 
contradiction of the manifest will, and an endeavor to 
change the evident intention of the Creator, and the at- 



220 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

tempted demonstration by the Scriptures of the enormity 
of slaveholding becomes an absurdit}'. 

It has been gravely asserted, however, that climate and 
the various phenomena of the external -world have caused 
the change, now distinctive, between races. Without 
wishing to enter into a review of ethnological principles, 
let us merely suggest some of the peculiarities which mark 
the negro type, and if there are not physical reasons 
enough to satisfy the unprejudiced as to the very evident 
intention of Providence, we can scarcely hope to bring 
conviction by any less apparent method of proof. It is a 
fact well authenticated, that certain differences exist be- 
tween the four great types of mankind, which have been 
permanent since the earliest period to which our knowledge 
extends. "Whether the examination and analysis of these 
idiosyncracics are sufficient to prove that the Caucasian, 
American, Mongol, and Negro were aborigine, distinct and 
different races, is not our intention to inquire. All that 
we shall attempt is a demonstration of the physical infe- 
riority of the African to the white man, and a brief re- 
view of the reasons which these aftbrd us for placing this 
species of the "(/ewus liomo^ in the rank which nature 
appears to have designed them to occupy. 

The culminating point in the scale of created beings 
(physically considered) is man, — and of men, the Cauca- 
sian. The nearer the approach to this type, the greater 
the capacity has been, the more powerful the influence 
upon the history of humanity, and the more enlightened 



UELPEK'S impending crisis DISSEC'lED. 221 

the individual and nation. This type, moreover, presents 
besides tlie physical conformation most in accordance witli 
the ideal in art, peculiarities of temperament and intellect 
•which have, under all circumstances, urged them onward ; 
they are the masters of the world, — the investiagtors, the 
inventors. 

Between the first mentioned race (the Caucasian) and 
the Negro, two great types intervene, the Mongol and 
the American ; the first, capable of civilization but not 
enlightenment ; the second, in his pure and unmixed 
blood, incapable of either. The intention which would 
appear from the analogies of the natural world with 
regard to the condition under which its various species 
were to exist, nowhere is more strikingly exemplified 
than in the destiny which has attended the races first 
mentioned. It would seem as if there were some absolute 
and unchanging influence exerted upon each, which has 
ever circumscribed their progress and regulated their 
efforts. The field of universal history, infinitely diver- 
sified in its incidents, presents a singular uniformity in 
the events which have marked the rise, progress, and 
decay, of the various varieties into which naturalists 
have divided mankind. There has been no great varia- 
tion in the consequence, even amid the infinite multiplicity 
of causes which have eff"ected them. 

Without asserting the identity of the spiritual and 
material, it is an indisputable fact that intellectual 
superiority generally depends upon and is coincident 
19* 



222 helper's impending crisis dissected. 

Vi'iih organic. Tlioui^h the quality, rather than the 
quantity, of the brain, is considered the sign of mind, 
yet it is as impossible to suppose the power of an engine 
residing in its miniature patent, as the intelligence of the 
cranium whose facial angle is 85° existing in one of little 
more than half that capacity. The lower orders of ani- 
mated nature, are ranked according to their approach to 
the anatomical structure of man. The same holds good 
in the classification of the races themselves. The negro 
is the furthest removed from the perfect type, and the 
nearest to the anthropoid siraiiie of any. 

Nature has, for three thousand years, made no change 
in this conformation, and as the law of hybridity applies 
as well to men as other animals, is not likely to do so 
now. The professions of friendship and brotherly kind- 
ness on the part of the Abolition party, can scarcely 
make a difference in the shape of the bones of the 
cranium and body. And while these do exist, if there 
can be any judgment of the future, formed from the 
events of the past, the African will still be a slave, if 
not to one master, at least to another. 

Now, fellow-citizens, having presented to your view the 
"Irrepressible Conflict" that is going on between the 
enemies of the Constitution, as well as its friends, and 
the "Impending Crisis" as it is, we call upon you to 
come forward, lift your voices, your hands, and your 
hearts, in behalf of the Union, and preserve it from the 
almost inevitable fate that awaits it — destruction ! 



helper's impending crisis dissected. 2iI3 

In pursuance of tliis, wc call upon every conservative 
man in the North, who loves his country and her institu- 
tions, to shake off the trammels of the fanaticism of the 
North, and swear before God and upon the altar of his 
country, that he will stand by her Constitution and laws 
as they are, as enacted by Congress and interpreted by 
the Supreme Court. And to use the language of another : 
" Then we shall see every heart a shield, and a drawn 
sword in every hand to preserve the ark of our political 
safety ! Then we shall see reared, a fabric upon our 
National Constitution, which time cannot crumble, per- 
secution shake, fanaticism disturb, nor revolution change ; 
but which shall stand among us like some lofty and stu- 
pendous Apennine, while the earth rocks at its feet, and 
the thunder peals above its head !" 

Contemplating our country and its enemies {Repuhli- 
cans) may we not exclaim with the poet : 

" Country, on thy sous depending, 

Strong in manhood, bright in bloom, 
Hast thou not seen thy pride descending, 

Shrouded to the unbounded tomb ? 
Rise ! — on eagle pinion soaring — 

Rise like one of Godlike birth — 
And, Jehovah's aid imploring, 

Sweep the spoiler from the earth." 



THE END. 



10,000 AGENTS WANTED! 



» 



mmKM RAILROAD MAP 

FROM THE 

ATLArMTIC TO THE PACIFrC, 

SnOWINa THE THEEE PROPOSED 

RAILROADS TO CALIFORNIA 

AND THE 

GREAT OVERLAND MAIL ROUUE, 

Together with all the Railroads in the United States and Canridas. Jt 
w the only correct Railroad Map now issued. It is beautifully engraved 
on Stcd Plates, and surrounded with twenty-eight 

Photograph Portraits of the Leading Railroad 

Presidents and Superintendents, men 

controlling $480,000,000. 

among whom will be seen J. Edgar Thomson, Tres't Pennsylvania Cen- 
tral R. R. ; Hon. Erastus Corning, Pres't New York Central R. R. ; 
John Robin McDaniel, Pres't Virginia and Tennessee R. R., one of the 
links of the great Southern mail route; Hon. John Ross, Pres't Grand 
Trunk R. R., of Canada, and twenty others, among whom are the 
greatest financiers and railroad managers of the age. 



Price in Sheet?, 25 Cents. 



g^" Sent by mail, free of postage, to any part of the United States, 
free of postage, on receipt of the price. Address, 

J. T. LLOYD, 

PHILADELPHIA, PA. 

fftr> Agents are allowed liberal discounts. KEGISTEEED LETTEKS 
WILL BE AT THE PTJBLISHEE'S EISK. 



A NEW AND SINGULAR CHAPTER 
IN THE HISTORY OP 

MRS. CUNNINCHAM-BURDELL. 



Sho visits a Matrimonial Office in Forty-third Street — Is Introducou 
to Mr. Fitzgerald of St. Louis — Her Appearance and Dress — Her 
Opinion of Domestic Peace and of New York Ladies — Sho offers 
to find a Model Wife — Her Sentiments on Love, Marriage, and 
Divorce— Is a Free Lover — Mrs. Willis, the Broker — Discourse of 
Ghosts — Sho Relates the Wonderful Story of a Clock — Fitzgerald 
Makes a Remark about Dead Men, and Cunningham gets Nervous 
—An Important Confession about her Marriage— She Telia her 
Age — She Offers to Cure Fitzgerald of a Cold — Wants him to go 
and Drink a Punch of her Making — He thinks of the Bloody Work 
in Bond Street, and Declines — She Accepts Five Dollars aa a 
Slight Token of Respect — She Discourses of Murders and Ezecu- 
tions — Is Opposed to Capital Punishment — Denounces the Re- 
porters as a Meddlesome, Lying Set of Vultures — Her Opinion of 
the Tombs as a Residence — A Decisive Meeting — Cunningham 
Wants a Set of Furs — She Offers to Take Charge of Fitzgerald'a 
Household Affairs — Wants him to Take a House Up-town — Mr. 
Fitrgerald Attempts to Get Away, but is Seized by Cunningham 
and Detained by Force — He Makes another Present, and gets into 
the Hall, which is Dark — He Finds Himself Looked In — He Calla 
in Vain to be Released — He Gets into the Parlor — Resolves to 
Smash a Window — Interesting Denouement — Where Mrs. Cun- 
ningham Went after the Meeting. 

In November last, a young man, giving the namo of C. Frank 
Fitzgerald, of St. Louis, Mo., went to the Matrimonial Ofice of Mi-s. 
Jessie Willis, No. — West Forty-third street, in this city — an offioo 
which was started in the summer of 1858, and has been quite ex- 
tensively advertise. We copy the following specimen of th« ad- 
vertisements from the New York Herald, of January 27th : 

" Mbs. Jessib Willis will give Introduction to ladies and gentle- 
men with a view to matrimony, at her office, — West Forty-third 
street, from 3 to 8 p. v. Parties suited ; references required. Gen- 
tlemen's fee |1 : ladies free. Letters from the country must b« 
post-paid, with return letter stamps. N. B. — AH business oonfl- 
dential." 

(402> 



£/• # f<' •» • ••♦••*. *.*.*,'.*.V*,*.* •♦♦•♦♦'^ ♦"".♦• .^ . ■'. . * ♦♦♦..*.,*.*♦*.•>•.♦ 



lotvmwm' % 'w 




'S^fsr^ 



\i^iii£ii^Sii^ii^!uSlui!luSli£iki£»i^^ 



.^::iviJii&iiii^'i'iii^iAi 





PHILADELPHIA, 

Corner of Chestnut and Ninth Streets. 



OPENED m FEBKUAEY, 18G0. 



This magnificent Establishment has been erected by a stock 
subscription, at a cost of 

MORE THAN A MILLION DOLLARS, 

with the sole object of affording the many Visitors to the Key- 
stone Metropolis 

THE MOST COMMODIOUS HOTEL IN THE WORLD. 

Ample accommodations are afforded for 1,000 g'!Be!»»fi«, 
with every modern improvement which experience could sug- 
gest for the comfort of the traveler. The interior arranae- 
meut and furnishing have been completed under the personal 
supervision of PAKA:\ ^TF. VBOi^'S, the Le^iN«-v-, 
anil the Continental will be conducted upon the same SCALE 
OF LiBERALITY ^y which he has previously established the woll- 
known popularity of the BATTLE HOUSE and POINT 
CLEAR HOTEL, in Mobile, Ala., and the FIFTH 
AVENUE HOTEL, in New York. 

B®* Pleasure tourists will find Philadelphia a delightful 
point fur sojourn during the early summer and autumn, and 
find at the Continental all the comforts of a luxurious home. 




T II E 



GIRARD HOUSE, 

PHILADELPHIA. 



PRESBURY, SYKES & CO., PROPRIETORS. 



The Proprietors of this deservedly-celebrated Hotel, which 
is located in the central portion of the most fashionable street 
in the city, beg to announce to their friends and the public, 
that, grateful for the extensive patronage they have received 
from the first day "The Girard House" was opened to the 



THE GIRARD HOUSE. 

present time, they have determined that neither pains nor 
expense shall be wanting, not only to maintain the proud 
supremacy it has hitherto enjoyed, but to render it the most 
complete and magnificent establishment in the world. 

With this view, and in anticipation of spring travel, thf 
House has been entirely redecorated and refurnished, from 
top to bottom. 

A NEW AND SPLENDID BILLIARD ROOM 

has just been completed, and furnished with PHELAN'S 
CELEBRATED PATENT TABLES, for the sole use of 
the guests of the house and their friends. 

THE TABLE OF THE GIRARD HOUSE 

has long been celebrated throughout the Union for its pro- 
fuse liberality and recherche elegance ; but, in order that 
nothing may be wanting to render it perfect in ever}'- depart- 
ment, and worthy of its unprecedented fame, an additional 
staff of FRENCH, ITALIAN, and GERMAN ARTISTES 
have been engaged, for the preparation of those dishes for 
which their several countries are celebrated — thus combining, 
in the daily "carte,'''' solid American comfort with the tasteful 
luxury of Continental Europe. 



o 



GOLD MEDAL I'EKFUMERY. 
R. & G. A. WRIGHT, 

No. 624 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, 

MANUrACTUEEES 



nttj^istjs' ^tttt 




The Manufacturers of this well-known brand heg leave to call the attention of the trade to the 
Jargo variety of new styles they have, and arc constantly adding to tbeif Ktock, cousisliiig of 

Colognes, Hair Oils, Pomades, 

Extracts, Toilet "Waters, Cosmetics, 

Soaps, Hair Dye, Shaving Creams. 

All of which have been sold for years in the pouthi-rn market, and have never spoiied, tbeieby 
assuring tho purchaser advantages that no other Manufacturers can olTer. 

la addition to the above, they have a large and well-selected stock of 

FRENCH AND ENGLISH NOVELTIES AND DKCGGISTS' ARTICLES, 
Additions to which are received by every steamer. 

Goods Imported to order, and Catalogues mailed on demand. A call is 
solicited from the Trade. Orders by mail carejulbj and promptly 
attended to. 

WHOLESALE ONLY. 



BREECH-LOAOIHG REPEATING 

ri S T O L. 




WEIGHS BUT 8} OUNCES. 

Cari be stowed in an ordinary-suKd vest pocket, shoots accurately, penetrates an Inch pine 
board at 100 yards, and can he loaded and fired with astonislilng rapidity. 

One hundred Cartridges, ready for use, Watkr-Proof, can be carried lu an ordinary-sized 
tobacco box. 

For sale by tin? Trade pener.Hllv. and by the undersigned, SOLE AGENTS FOR ALL FIRE- 
ARMS MANUFACiUUED liY C.'SUAKl'S A CO. 

HANDY & BRENNER, 

HARDWARE MERCHANTS, 
23, 25, and 27 If. FIFTH STREET, PHILADELPHIA. 



MODEL GUN STOEE. 



PIlILir WILSON & CO., 

No. 432 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, 

MAMIi'ACTLKLltS (IF 

SUPEIUOR BOUBIil (iUNS, 

Of every description, which they WAKKANT in the fullest manner. Thcv compare favorably, 
"BOTU AS TO FlXiyil AND PKlirKCTION IX SHOOTING," with the best IxinUon Guuj, 
ANO AT OKE-THIRD L.E.SS COST. 

Every Gun made by us is fully tested before leaving our shop. 

In additiou to our own make, we .ire constantly rcieivin'i Gun.s from the best makers in Kn(?- 
land, France, and Itdtfiuui, viz. : WKSTLKY RIcTlARDS, WM. OKEENEIt, MOORE & HAIUU.S, 
IIOLLIS & SHEATH, witli others of less note and cheaper grades. 

GUN TRIMMINGS 

Of all variety, 

FISHING TACKLE 

Of every description, and 

CRICKET BATS, BALLS, ETC." 

Agents for G. W. Bitrgess's Celebrated Trout Rods. 



J. BARTRAM & BROTHER, 

WHOLESALE &, RETAIL 




AXD DEALERS IN 



% 



DRUGS, MEDICINES, FIRE CHEMICALS, PAINTS, OILS, GLASS, 
AND DYE-STUFFS, 

Wholesale Depot for 
UllEAXmCi'S PILLS, & BAUTRAM'S LIQ! IS) (iLlK, 

CHEAPEST IN THE COTJNTRY. 

N. W. COS,. SECOND & RACE, 

Philadelphia, Pa. 

For its remedial value, and intrinsic 
•worth in renovating -weakened constitu- 
tions, see evideuce of its character from 
certificates of 

MESS'S. BOOTH, GARRET. & CAMAC, 

Analytical ('hemist><, Philadelphia. 

JAMES R. CHILTON, 

M. D., New York. 

A. A. HAYES, 

Stjite Assaver, Boston. 

For sale by C. WHARTON, 116 Walnut St. Phila. 




DR. HOOFLAND'S 



•WILL POSITIVELY CUBE 

Liver Complaint, Dyspepsia, Nervous Debility, Fever & Ague, &c 

AND WILL POSITIVELY PREVENT 

Yellow Fever, Bilious Fever , Sj-c. 



READ THE EVIDENCE. 



From J. Magxnnis, of (he Xew Orleans True Delta. 

Nbw Orliass, July 20, 1859. 
Mmbrs. C. M. Jackson & Co. — Gentlemen: I bave for s long time looked upon your Iloofland's 
German Bitters as the vei-y best Dyspeptic preparation extant But I am now disposed to accord to it 
Btlll higher merit. I find that it will effectually prcTent prevent the ravages of that scourge of 
this climate — Yellow Fever. During the prevalence of that disease lust summer, I had ample 
opportunity of witnessing its efficacy ; and I firmly believe that even an unacclimated pen^a, 
with propur precaution and the use of your Bitters as directed, could safely summer it in New 
Orleans. Aa a preventive of Fever and Ague, also, I cheerfully endorse all you claim for it. 

Respectfully Yours, 

JOHV M.\GINNI3, 
Proprietor of True Delta. 

From T. Richardson, Esq., of the Galveston Neici. 

Galve8to.\, Texas, Sept. 25, 1S58. 

Dr. C. M. Jackson. — Dear Sir: Yon suggested to me, before leaving Phil.idelphin, to take a few 

bottles of your Bitters along, as a preventive against Yellow Fever, which is now raging here and 

In New Orleans. I did so, and used it freely on my route home. I was accompanied by several 

Texans, who also took it as prescribed, none of us having had the Fever e.xcept myself. All 

Fassed tlirough New Orleans without being attacked by the epidemic, and some of them whom 
have since met attribute their escape, in a great measure, to the use of your excellent specific. 
From what I have heard from other sources, and my own experience, I have no besitatioa in 
saying, I believe Hoofland's German Bitters an excellent article for the prevention of Yellow 
fever aud many other diseases peculiar to the South, if taken in time and as directed. 

Yours Truly, 

T. RICH.AJIDSON, 
Editor and Proprietor of Qolveston " News." 



IMPORTANT TO SEAFARING MEN. 

Phil.U)Xlphia, Oct. 27, 1858. 
Db. 0. M. Jackson. — Dear Sir: I sailed from this port in August last, in the barque "Uein» 
deer," of which I am Master, with a crew of ten men, bound to Havana. As I knew the Yellow 
Fever was raging with great virulonea in that city, aud had heard of the good effects of the Bit- 
ter.') in preventing the attacks of that terrible disease, I provided myself with a supply of it. 
Before reai-hing my port, I commenced the administration of the Bitters regularly to all on 
board. On reaching Havitna, I found a number of vessels in the harbor, among the crews of 
which the Fuver was committing great ravages; on board of three of them, not a soul was left 
alive — the Fever hail carried all off. Naturally, great alarm prevailed. I am most happy to say, 
that with the exception of one of my crew, who deserted in Havana, we have all come back safe 
ftnd sound — not one of us having been attacked. I believe HooHand's German Bitters to be an 
excellent medicine, and am satisfied of its salutary effects as a preventive of Y^ellow Fever, ai it 
is a very unusual thing for a vessel with so many persons on board to visit the Utland of Cuba in 
Auguiit or September, and return without the loss of at least a portion of her crew. 

GEO. W. ALLEN, 
HAster, Barque Reindeer. 

Prepared only by 

DR. C. M. JACKSON & CO., 

418 Arch Street, Philadelphia. 
And for Sale hy Druggists and Dealers GencraUi/. 

Price, 76 cents per Bottle. 



lEDIARD'S CHOICE LldllEllRS. 

MORNING CALL. GIN COCKTAIL. 

MINT JULEP. WHISKEY COCKTAIL. 

BRANDY SMASH. BRANDY COCKTAIL. 

CURACAO. BONNE SANTIJ. 

FINE OLD JAMAICA PINE-APPLE RUM PUNCH. 
FINE OLD EAST IISTDIA ARRAC PUNCH. 
"OLD TOM" LONDON CORDIAL GIN. 
ROYAL WINDSOR WINE AND STOMACH BITTERS. 
In cases containiny one dozen quart bottles. 

These Liqueurs will be found superior to the unmeaning French 
md other imported Liqueurs, as they possess distinctive characteristics. 

The COCKTAILS are prepared from the finest vegetable Tonics 
and Alteratives, and in all cases the Liquors used are genuine ; thus 
combining a healthful as well as agreeable beverage. 

The CURxiCAO is pronounced by the best judges "ne plus ultra." 
It is prepared from the same ingredients, and with an equal amount 
of skill, as the imported, is sold at half the price, and is put in a 
bottle unlike the foreign, as it is the Proprietor's desire the article 
should stand on its own merits as an American product. 

The MORNING CALL— 7'o7mc, Diuretic, Alterative, and Anti-thjs- 
peptic — is the finest and purest Stomach Bitter in the world — of 
great value to ladies or children in delicate health. It is a Liqueur 
Hygienique d'aprhs Raspail. 

In fact, the Proprietor challenges the world to produce finer or more 
agreeable Liqueurs than the above. 

Sold by Wholesale Liquor and Grocery Dealers in New York and 
all the large cities in the ITnion— Retail everjrwhere. 

DEPOT, 37 SOUTH WILLIAM STREET, 
NEW YORK. 

Agents for Van Brunt" s Aromatic Scliiedam Schnapps. 



GHIFFEN & ACKEN, 

Importers and Jobbers of 

FANCY GOODS, 



AND 



Combs, Buttons, Brushes, Perfumery, Pins, Needles, Per- 
cussion Caps, Whips, Portemonnaies, Carpet Bags, 
Jewelry, Wood and Willow Ware, &c., 

No. 80 WARREN STREET, NEW YORK. 

HENRY GRIFFEN. WM. 11. ACKEN. 



Pmuifattuitrs anb SEIjoItsuk gtaltrs in 

Umbrellas and Parasols. 

WAREHOUSE, 

No. 12 W"arren Street, 

NEAR BROADWAY, 

NEW YORK. 

«£OBOE J. BYRD. ALVAH HALL. 



B. M. & E. L WlilTLOCR & CO., 

13 BEEKMAN ST., COR. NASSAU, 
Importers of 

COGNAC BRANDIES, 

WISHES, SECARS, Etc. 

Agents for Favorite Brands @f 

YIEGINIA TOBACCO, 

And Wholesale Dealers in Pine 

G H O C E 



Beuj. M. Whitlock. in Jbi VV J. UxiXv. Edwd. A. Whitlock. 

Oliveb W. Dodob. Heskt Cammkteb. 

SOUTBERZV CARHZAaXl ^ArJUFACTORir, 

Repository, 412 BR0^1lPJ9\li^, Jf\w I'orh. 




Mnnnfnctiircr of 



CAimiAGES, BUGGIES, BABOUCHES, LIGHT WAG- 
GONS, COACHES, ROCKAWAYS, &c., &c. 

And every description of HARNESS, 

FOR SOUTHERN USE EXCLUSIVELY. 



SOUTHERN AND SOUTHWESTERN Q'JEENSWARE HOUSE. 
n. W. BURTSS 8l GREENE, 

50 VESEY STEEET, 2cl Block rear of Astor House, 
KEW TORE, 

iJATHANIEL W. BrimS] [EIJAS M. GREESn. 

Have on hand constantly of tlieir own importations a full ap?ort- 
ment of Edward's Royal Iron Stone China, Haddock's Pa- 
tent Iron Stone China and White Granite Ware. 

Elegant assortments of French China, both White, Gilt and 
Richly Decorated. Sole Agents for the best makers of botli 
Cut and Dressed Glass Ware. 

Complete and attractive Stock of Silver Plated and Britannia 
Ware. 

Exclusive agents for the Pure White "Adamantine" and richly 
Colored Enameled Ware, Tete-a-Tetes, Vases, Epergnes, 
CarafTs, Porcelain Ware, &c. &c. 

Breakfast, Dinner and Tea Sets Decorated, and names 
■burnt in at the manufactory as may be ordered. 

Particular attention paid" to HOTEL and STEAMBOAT OR- 
DERS. Our Stock of COMMON GOODS is remarkably full 
and complete. 

We solicit an examination of our Stock. 

EXCELSIOR BURR STONE 

PLANTATION MILL. 

Many of these Mills are in operation throughout the South, 
giving great satisfaction. We rcarravt them to last a Ufvtime. to 
grind as fast and as well as the best flat-stone mills, with one half 
the power, and to heat the meal less. The Mill is perfectly simple, 
can be kept in order by any person of ordinary intelligence, and 
can be run by any Gin, Water, or Steam Power. For a plan- 
tation it is the Ne-plus-ultra. Price $100.00 

^anforVs |.nti-iriftioit ©in |]ofecr, 

Especially designed for Ginning Cotton, Driving Mills, Saws, 
etc. Two horses on this Power will do as much work as four on the 
Powers in general use. Price $110.00 and $130.00 

The Mill and Power may be examined at, and Circulars sent from 
No. 45 GOLD STREET, KEW YORK, by 

J. A. BENNET. 



DRESS_GOODS HOUSE. 

CllHING, SISIPSON & ARMSTRONG 

XIVIFOIITSZIS AND JOBBZ2Z13 

OF 

DRESS GOODS. SHAWLS, 



Ji'EW iroiiK. 

Confining our whole experience and attention to 
the Importing and Jobbing, in these three important 
departments of the trade, and having the most ex- 
tensive assortment of FOREIGN medium-priced 
DRESS GOODS ever exhibited in AMERICA, we 
can offer superior inducements, to the best and 
closest buyers, from all sections of the Union. 



MMTILLAS mV) CLOAKS, 

WHOLESALE AND RETAIL, 

At 300 Canal Street, 

And Under the 5th Avenue Hotel, cor. of 23d St. 

THE LEADER OF FASHION 

FOR 

HARPER'S MAGAZINE AND 
GODEY'S LADY'S BOOK. 

SOLTUERX BLYERS ARE PARTICLLARLY LWITED 




Manufacturer and Manufacturers^ Agent for the Purchase and Sale of 

GUNS, RIFLES, PISTOLS, PERCUSSION CAPS, &C, 

267 BROADWAY, near Chambers St., New York, 

Where raay he found the ^"ewest and most Perfect Styles of Fire-Arms of every 

Description. 

BoiK MANnFACTirnERs' Agent for Wai.ch Fire-Arm Co.'s nbw 12-Shot Revolver, 

80 balls to the lb., and Lisdsay'3 " Young America" sinole barrel 2-Shot Derinoer, 

40 balls to the lb. 

S.MiTH & Wesson'.s Seven-Shooter. Protection Six-Shooter, imitation Colt's new 
model. Excelsior Revolver, imitatlou Colt's old model. Colt's old and new model. 
Wesson's new Bbeech-Loadino Repeater. GssniNK Derinoer's, at Trade Prices. 
A NEW Cartridue Pistol, 60 balls to the lb. 

Also, sole Agent for the United States for the Volcanic Repeating Rifles and Pistols, 
■Wesson's new breech-loading Rifles and Pistols, American G. D., C. T., U. S., Hat and 
Water-proof Percussion Caps, with a full and complete assortment of Single and Double- 
barrel Guns, Rifles, and Pistols, of the most approved manufacture ; Bowie Knives, 
Drinking Cups, Powder Flasks, Shot Bags, Sporting Powder of the best quality, &c., &c. 



GROVER& BAKER'S 



FAMILY 




The first place in public estimation is Justly 
accorded to the rover & Baker Machine for 
the following reasons : 

1st. It is more simple and easily kept in order 
than any other Machine. 

2d. It makes a seam which will not rip or 
ravel, though every third stitch be cnt. 

3d. It sews from two spools, and all trouble 
of winding thread is avoided, while it can be 
adapted, by a change of spools, to all varieties 
of work. 

4th. The same Machine runs silk, linen thread, 
and spool cotton, with equal facility. 

.')th. The seam is as elastic as the most elastic 
fabric, so that it Is free from all liability to bresk 
In washing, ironing, or otherwise. 

6th. The Stitch made by this Machine is more 
beautiful than any other made, either by hand 
or machine. 



SEWING MACHINES. 



As evidence of the superiority of the Grover A 
Baker Machine, attention is invited to 

WHAT DI.STINOnlSHED MEN SAT. 

" I take pleasure in saying, that the Grover & 
Baker Sewing Machines' have more than sus- 
tained mv expectation. After trying and returning others, 1 have three of thein m oper- 
ation in my differonl pl:\oes, and. alter four years' trial, have no fault to find. —J. U. 
Hammond, Senator of Sonth Cardina. . , . . .. j r 

" My wife has had one of Grover k Baker's Sewing Machines for some time, and I am 
satisfied it is one of the best labor-saving machines that has been invented. I take much 
pleasure in recommending it to tho public."— y. G. Harris, Governor of Te/messee. 

OFFICES OF EXHIBITION AND SALE: ISl Baltimore st., Baltimore; Mechanies' 
Institute, Richmond ; 249 King st.. Chariest. m ; 41 St. Francis ft.. Mobile ; 11 Camp St., 
New Orleans ; 124 North Fourth st., St. Louis ; 94 Fourth st., Louisville. 



SILK GOODS. 



. BIBBLEE Sz CO., 

Importers and Jobbers of 



29 WAEEEPi and 25 MUEPvAY STS., 
NEW YORK, 

KEEP CONSTANTLY ON HAND 

SILKS AND SILK EOBES, of the latest styles. 

DEESS GOODS, in all new and desirable fabrics. 

LACES AND EMBROIDERIES, in every variety. 

WHITE GOODS, IRISH LINENS, &c. 

HOSIERY AND GLOVES— a large assortment. 

RIBBONS AND DRESS TRISIMINGS— an endless variety. 

CLOAKS, SIANTILLAS, AND SHAWLS-a leading depart- 
ment of the House. 

CRAVATS AND TIES, including GENTS' FURNISHING 
GOODS. 

SKIRTS, SMALL WARES, &c. 

From long experience in the trade, and diligent attention to 
the wants of their Customers, 11. E. Dibblee & Co. can ]iro- 
sent inducements to buyers equal to those of any other SiBii 

filoUt^C in the city. 

N. B. — Particular and prompt attention given to orders by 
persons who are competent and familiar with the tastes and 
wants of those sections from whence the orders are received. 






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HANFORD & BROWNING, 

IV K O L S S A L S 

CLOTHIERS, 

No. 326 and 328 Broadway, 

William C. Bbownino. X-H -Li > T X v^iViV. 

Over C. "W. & J. T. Moore & Co. 

A. JOURNEAY, Jr., 

Carpe tings, Druggets, 

OIL CLOTHS, 

Cocoa and Canton Mattings, &c., 

No. 373 BROADWAY, New York. 

An extensive Stock and long experience in the business enables us 
to fill orders for Goods promptly, and at the lowest prices for Cash 
or approved Credit. 

JOHN A. BAKER, 

Manufacturer of, and Dealer in 

MILITARY GOODS, 

No. 63 "WALKER STREET (near Broadway). 

Hats, Caps, Swords, Sashes, Belts, Horse liJquipments, and all 
Articles for the Military, furnished at short notice. 

«i- The New Style of FRENCH FATIGUE CAPS on hand and made to Order. -53» 



SAML. HAMMOND & CO., 
IMPORTERS OF FINE WATCHES, 

44 MERCHANTS' EXCHANGE, NEW YORK. 

We are desirous of drawing attintioa to our POCKET CHRONOMETERS 
and fine LEVER "WATCHES with Clironoiueter Adjustments, manulaciured 
expressly for us in London, wliicli, as timekeepers for general use or scientific pur- 
poses, cannot be excelled. j,V. B. — Hating by our own transit observation. 



JOHN W. McKINLEY, 

MERCHANT TAILOR 



AND 



1 



Heady-made Clothing 

m FURNISHING GOODS, 

413 BROADWAY, cor. Lispenard St., New York. 
CLOTHING MANUFACTURED FOR SOUTHERN HOUSES. 

THE AMERICAN PUMP. 

Patented April 5, 1859. 

Works by Hand la all Depths — Throws Water by Hose 40 feet — 
Will not Itust, will not Freeze — Raises from S to 60 Gallons per 
Minute. Prices from $15 to $60 : Adapted to Cisterns, 
Railroads, Machinery, Irrigation, etc. — Forces Water to great 
Heights and Distances. 

"Mr. Edney is a North Carolinian. The American Pump we 
know to be a simple and vahiahlt: invention, and largely used 
in every section, North and South." — De Bow's Jieview. 

" They are adapted to almost every purpose." — JV. Y. Pay-Book. 

" We consider it the best we have ever seen. " — Galveston Sews, 

Texas. 

" It took the premium at our State Fair." — Raleigh Jteg., X. O. 

" We never saw one comparable to this." — St. Lonis Christ. Ad. 

" The best pump we ever saw ; have one ourselves, and would 

recommend it to everybody. " — Southern Planter, Richmotiii, Va. 

"One man forces water 540 feet, and 97 perpendicular." — Scien- 

tific American. 

" One could force water anywhere to any height." — Am. AgricuUurist. 
" It is an improvement upon any othor pump now in use ; any boy can work it at 60, 
and any man at 100 feet." — Miss. Baptist. 

" All who have used it, speak well of it." — X. T. Ohgrrver. 
"It is wonderful ; send mo two." — Dr. 31. W. Philips, Afiss. 

" A genuine improvement and no humbug ; a child five years old can work mine." 
— Zf. M. Foiclkes, Esq., Va. 
iO" Warranted to work. Complete Drawings, Sizes, and Prices, sent free. 

JAMES M. EDNEY, 147 Chambers St., New York. 




Jg^ A Gp.kat BrppoRT and Comfort. 
ALLCOCK'S POROUS I'LASTEKS are tlie most useful articles of the kind yet introduced 
to tho public. They are eutiri'ly pleasant ; they do not roll np in heaps, th.-y do imc 
adhere to your linen ; they only adhere to the skin, and they are pleasant, b.ciiu.se they 
are flexible. They are the best streugtheniug plaster, and are admirable lor >kiu ois- 
eases, especially moth of the skin (lichen), and all unsightly discolorations, which iLey 
surely cure. 

In affections of the kidneys, in nervous diseases, 6titche.s, and epilepsy, their use 
over the small of the back or over the sacrum, or where the pain is located, is attended 
with the best results. 

ALLCOCK'S POKOUS PLASTERS resolve and assuage pain by calling forth the acrid 
humors from parts internal to the skin and general circulation. JAMES LULL, il.D. 
One Thousand Dollars' worth Sold. 

SiNO Sing, July 21, 1S59. 

This may certify, that we have sold within the past five year.s, at least one thousand 
dollars' worth of AUcock's Porous Plasters. They have invariably given satisfaction, 
and we consider them the best article of the kind made or sold. 

H. H. J02s'ES & BRO., Apothecaries and Chemists. 
Haetforp, Con., Jan., 4, 1860. 

" Messrs. Allcock k Co.— Gentlemen— We are retailing in our place quite a quantity 
of the Perforated Plaster. Will you please name your lowest cash price per gross on de- 
livery ? We find your Plasters give the best satisfaction for the various maladies for 
which they are recommended of any plaster extant. Your early attention is desired. 
" Yours respectfully, J. W. JOH^'SO^' & CO." 

NERVOUS AFFECTIONS CURED.— Julius Metz, Esq., of Brooklyn, the well-knowa 
profe.-5sor of music, was long subject to an ati'ection of the muscles of the chest, attended 
with most violent spasmodic asthma. His pliysical sufferings were great, and his pro- 
fessional duties much interfered with. The application of one plaster cured him. 

All Physicians who have ever seen these Plasters, recommend them. Mr. Cailassl, Dr. 
Vaillaindet, and Dr. Jacquiuot, report that probably these Plasters are specifics in all 
diseases of the skin surface. Their value is beyond dispute. 

Hear what Hon. CARL SCHULTZE, of Chicago, says : Chicago, Sept. 26, 18.59. 

To the Editors of the New York Criminal Zeitung:— Gentlemen— I shall feel obliged 
if you will inform your friend, Dr. Deichman, that I have quite recovered from severe 
paius in my chest, from which I have so long suffered. AUcock's Porous Plaster cured 
me, of which he spoke so highly. I had tried almost everything to relieve the pain, 
without any benefit, before 1 used the plaster, which, strange to say, in a few days after 
putting it on, perfectly relieved me. I have worn the plasters for the last nine mouths, 
changing once in a week or two, without any return of the pain iu my chest, or the least 
diflic'ulty in taking any kind of food. This can be attested by all my friends and my fa- 
mily. Show Deichman this letter, and please to publish it in your paper. 

Most respectfully, CARL SCHULTZE. 

Note by Editors of Criminal Zeitlixo.— 'VVe insert this letter with pleasure, as it 
affords us an opportunity for saying, that any one atUictea with pain in the chest, accom- 
panied with indigestion, can by applying at this office, receive ample testimony from 
one who has been restored to health by these very Plasters of Mr. Allcock, which he 
used for six months for a similar affection. 

CURE FOR HOOPING COUGH.— In fact, their use in these cases acts like a charm. 
Place one upon the chest, so that it reaches an inch or so over the diaphragm. In tic- 
doloureux, place a piece of plaster upon the part affected ; relief will soon come. In 
moth of the skin and all discolorations, in asthma, consumptions, and coughs, they have 
qualities which surpass all other remedies whatsoever. 

HOOPING COUGH. Catcqa, Hinds Co., Miss. 

T. Allcock & Co.— Gentlemen- Please send me another six dozen of your Porous 
Plasters. They are in a great demand here for Hooping Cough. They act like a charm. 
I could have sold two dozen this week, if I had had them. Scud as soon as possible, 
and oblige yours, respectfully, JOHN L. WILLIAMS, Postmaster. 

LAME BACK. New York, Nov. 23, 18d9. 

T. Allcock & Co.— Gentlemen— I lately suffered severely from a weakness iu my 
back, occasioned by suddenly over-exerting myself. Having heard your Plasters much 
recommended for cases of this kind, I procured one, and the result was all that I could 
desire. A uiuglo plaster cured me iu a week. Your.s, respectfully, 

J. BRIGGS, Proprietor of the Brandreth House. 

AN IMPORTANT LETTER. 

Shrcb Oak, Yokktown, N. Y., Jau. 19, 18C0. 

"T Allcock & Co.— Gentlemen— I have boon troubled with a lame back over ten . 
years so as to be entirely helpless and unable to do any kind of farm work. In June 
last I procured one of AUcock's Porous Plasters, and wore it three weeks, when 1 louud 
my back entirely cured, and was able to mow and cradle as well as over I could in my 
best days. These Plasters should be in every house. 1 never believed that any exter- 
nal remedy could be so powerful and so good as these Plasters. Their effect on me 
seems miraculous, aud I thank God that I used them. They have entirely restored my 
health and vigor. „ STEPHEN PDGbLEY. 

By sending |1 to T. ALLCOCK & CO., No. 4 Union Sqtiare, New York four Plasters wiU 
b ; s.,u' 10 any part of the United States, free of charge. Principal Office, No. 4 Dnlon 
.. . ..I'b lu'l iiJwb '.»t^u JtUce, iNj aJi Oaidi iitafl. lN'«W i'liu. <-U<- '>-'■ cpntsiUW). 
JiinjOCK 8 *'I*AST£ita caa be oWalaea genMaJy ft«a l>rag^t«. iS^ v«atp a*-.:;. 



WILLIAM W. WRIGHT & CO, 

252 BROADWAY, 

NEW YORK, 

OPPOSITE THE CITY HALL, 
IMPORTEKS AND JOBBERS OF 

SILK AND FANCY DRESS GOODS, 

RIBBONS AND DRESS TRIMMINGS, 

SHAWLS, CLOAKS AND MANTILLAS, 

GLOVES, LACES AND EMBROIDERiESj 

&c., &c., &c., &c., &c 

DUEYEE, JAQUES & CO., 

Late Rankin, Duryee & Co., 
Manufacturers, Importers, and Wholesale Dealers in 

HATS^ GAPS km STRAW OGQOS, 

326 BROADWAY 328 

DTJRYEE, JAaUES & CLEARMAN, 

29 Magazine St., NEW ORLEANS 

FACTORY: 

Beaver St., Newark, N. J. 



<^ IMPORTERS, ^ 

MANUFACTURERS AND WHOLESALE 

DEALERS IN 

Hats, Caps, and Straw Goods, 
BOMETS, BLOOMERS, FLATS, FLOWERS, 

UMBRELLAS, PARASOLS, &c. 

Nos. 120 Chambers and 50 Warren 
Streets, New York. 

FACTORY: 388, 390 & 392 BROADWAY, AlBAXY, N. Y., 

Are constantly receiving from their Factory, and from their 
European Agents, every thing new and desirable in their line, 
and are determined to show to their friends and the trade a 
stock which for freshness of style, detail and finish, will be un- 
surpassed in this market, and to which the attention of first- 
class buyers is solicited. 

CATALOGUES, containing List of Articles comprising 
their Stock, with Trices attached, sent by mail on application. 



MELIUS, CURRIER & SHERWOOD, 

No. 42 Warren Street, 
NEW YORK, 

Maniilhctiircrs and Dealers in 

Boots, Shoes & Brogans, 

IN ALL THE VARIETIES SUITABLE 
FOR THE 

SOUTHERN & SOUTHWESTERN TRADE. 

M. C. & S. manufacture directly a large portion of their 
heavy Stock, including Wax, Kip Russet, Tliick and 

ISplit Brogans, employing workmen on their own 
Premises to cut and prepare the Stock for making ; and from 
their own knowledge of Stock before cutting, as well as the fa- 
cilities they have for buying Leather at all times, (this City 
being the great Sole Leather Market of this Continent,) feel as- 
sured that they can furnish these goods of the best quality in 
every respect, and at a fair price. Shoes of their make will 
be free from shingle insoles or pasteboard filling. They fully 
believe that they make and sell the best Oak Russet and 
Wax Bro^an made or sold in any market. 

They also manufacture liadies Slioes and Gaiters 
of the finer qualities, giving personal attention to Getting Up, 
Style, &c., and think they combine durability with beauty, 
jvithout sacrificing the former too much to the latter. 

Fine 1>RE)>$8 BOOTS and GAITERS for Gen- 
tlemen, are made by Manufacturers whom they have tried for a 
long time and know they understand their Trade. 

Their PEGGED SHOES, for Women and Servants' "Wear, 
are bought of the best Manufacturers, and in all cases the 
greatest care is exercised to have this class of work good and 
durable. 

New York, April, 13 GO. 



CLOi\XS AND MANTILLAS. 

R S. MILLS & CO. 

Offer to Southern Buyers the largest and most desirable 
assortment of new and fashionable styles of 

CLOAKS, MMTLES, DUSTERS, ETC., 

To be found in the City; made of Velvet, Cloth, and 
other materials adapted to the season. 
Our Buyer visits London and Paris every season to 
select all the novelties in this line as they appear in those 
markets. 

At Wholesale Only— Low Prices— Liberal Terms, "©a 
E. S. MILL.* & CO., 

Importers, Manufacturers, and Jobbers, 
342 & 344 BROADWAY, New York. 

STEIN WAY ^ SONS' 

TATENT OVEB.STRU]Wa 




GRAND "^^as^a& SQUARE 



Are now considered the Best Pianos manufiictured. Opinion of nearly all the greatest 
and most prominent Musicians and Artists regarding these Instruments: 

The undersigned, having personally examined and practically tested the Improve- 
ment iu Grand Pianos, invented by H. STEINWAY, in which the covered strings are 
overstrung above those remaining, do hereby certify : 

1. That as a result of the said improvement the voice of the Piano is greatly Improved 
in quality, quantity and power. 

2. The sound by Steinway's improvement is much more even, less harsh, stronger, 
and much better prolonged, than that realized iu any other Piano with which we are 
acqaainted. 

3. The undersigned regard the improvement of Mr. Steinway as most novel. Ingen- 
ious and important. No Piano of similar construction has never been known or used, 
•0 far as the undersigufd know or believe. 

Gl'stav. Satier, D. C. Hill, William Masos, Oeorok W. MoROAif, 

S. B. Mills, Wm. A. Kino, John N. Pattisos, Carl Berqmasn, 

Wm. Saar, G-ko. y. Bristow, Robert Goldbeck, Hknui C. Timm, 

And many others. 
Each Instrument warranted for the term of three years. 
WARfiROOJIS, Nos. 82 and SI Walker Street, near Broadway, New York. 



CARROLL & MEAD, 

392 BROAD'WA'S', 

NEW TOEK, 

MAlf UTACTUBEBS of, and WHOLESALE DEALEBS in 

Gentlemen's and Tonths' 

CLOTHING, 

INCLUDING 

FURNISHING GOODS, 

MANUFACTURED EXPRESSLY FOR THE 

SOITHERN & SOUTHWESTERN MARKETS. 

Orders entrusted to us are promptly executed, 
and recive our careful and personal attention. 

An extra BiU of Lading, showing the weight 
and measurement of each package, is given or 
mailed with Invoice. 

George Carroll. Benj. F. Mead. Edwin R. Carroll. 



HEKRYS, SMITH & TOWNSEND, 

Importers and Jobbei's of 

Foreign and Domestic 




17 and 19 "Warren Street, 

A few doors West of Broadway, 



JOSHUA J. HENRY, 
THOMAS U. SMITH, 
WILLIAM H. TOWNSEND, 



PHILIP HENHY, Jr., 
EDWARD PENNER, 
JOHN J. TOW^NSEND. 



LEWIS B. HENRY. 



ES, SON $c mELVAiN, 

6 MAIDEN LANE, NEW YORK, 



No 



INVITE DEALERS IN 



GUNS AND SPORTING ARTICLES, 

ItiutlUrs, grttggists, ^Intioiurs, 

A \ D 

FArrcv aooDs jobbers, 

To Exaiuiue their Stock of Goods, 

Consisting of GUNS, RIFLES and PISTOLS, of all descriptions ; 
ELEY'S CAPS, WADDING and CARTRIDGES ; POWDER FLASKS, 
Shot POUCHES, Dram FLASKS, &c., &c. ; PLATED WARE and 
JEWELRY, both Foreign and Domestic ; DRUGGISTS' ARTICLES, 
viz : Lubin's EXTRACTS ; Lowe's Brown Windsor and other 
SOAPS ; Fine Shell and other Dressing COMBS ; Hair, Tooth, and 
Shaving BRUSHES; Medicine CASES; Tooth POWDER; Shaving 
CREAM, &c., &c. 

STATIONER'S ARTICLES ; DESKS, INKSTANDS and CUTLERY of 
all approved makers. 

Fine French and English FANCY GOODS, BRONZES. GILT AR- 
TICLES ; PORTEMONNAIES ; Leather TRAVELING BAGS, &c.. &c. 

SOLE AGENTS for WESTLEY RICHARDS' FOWLING PIECES; 
Eley's celebrated Sporting AMMUNITION, Hoiffor's "Army" and 
"Model" RAZORS; Adam's' Revolving PISTOLS. 



ATWATER, MULFORD & CO,, 

Commtsaton llTtrfl)aut0, 

Importers and Dealers in 

LIPRS, WINES, TEAS, TOBICCOS, SEGiRS, 

AND GROCERIES GENERALLY, 

Nos. 35 & 37 Broad St., 

Near Custom House, 

NEW YORK. 



W. C. Atwateb. 

J. H. MCLFORD. 
W. I. TOWNSEND, 

R. H. Hardinu. 

N. Peck Smith. 





lITQUUii. 

No. 11 

BROAD STREET 

NEW YORK, 

IMPORTERS OP 

BRANDIES, GIWS AND WINES. 

Sole Importers o/" Abbouin, Marett & Co.'s 

COGNAC BRANDIES, TULIP GIN; 

AND 

MOET & CHANDON'S 

BOUZY CABINET AND FLEUR DE BOUZY CHAMPAGNES, 

Which they offer for Sale from U. S. Bonded Warehouse. 



LATHROP * 

Importers and Wholesale Dealers in 

Foreign & Domestic Fancy Goods, 

PERFUMERY AND JEAVELRY, 

COMBS, BRUSHES, BUTTONS, WOOD AND 
WILLOW WARE. 

EXCLUSIVELY FOR THE SOUTHERN TRADE 

15 MURRAY Street, New York. 

PAOLl LATHROP. FREDERICK -WILKINSOS 

ANDREWS, GILES, SANFORD & CO., 

Importers and Jobbers of 

RIBBONS, SILKS, MILLINERY, 

A>'D 

STRAW GOODS, 

No. 100 CHAl^SBBUS ST., New ITork. 

R. T. ANDREWS. O. H. Saxford, formerly of the firm of P15SE0& Co. 

W. 6. Giles. L. W. S.mith. 

BEAN & RAYMOND, 

IMPORTERS OF 

Brandies, "Wines, &c., 

AND 

COMMISSION MERCHANTS, 
97 PEARL and 60 STONE STS., NEW YORK. 



GRANVILLE STOKES. 



MERdllAlIT TIILOR. 



607 CHESTNUT STREET, 



PHILADELPHIA. 



The finest English, French, and American Fabrics, made 

up by the best Cutters and Artists in the 

United States. 



A large and superior stock of desirable 

Of the latest styles, comprising every article of Gentlemen's 
wear, always on hand, and made to order. 

607 CHESTNUT STREET 









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